The Dying Linguistic Heritage of the
the melting pot generation1
Prof. Braj B. Kachru
I propose to outline below several interrelated
issues about the linguistic heritage of Kashmiri Pandits in the larger cultural
context of the current diasporic situation of the community. I shall briefly
present the major strands of the ongoing debate on the origins of the Kashmiri
language; the creativity in the language; the agony of multiple systems of
writing, and the gradual but perceptible indicators of the decay of the
language, its comatose stage and, finally, the ultimate death of the language.
The post-1940, diaspore-bred generation of Kashmiris might find this
thumbnail sociolinguistic sketch of some interest. What motivated this attempt
is the excitement often muted that I witness in the diaspora Pandit community,
and among some Muslim Kashmiris I met in India and in Islamabad, Lahore, and
Muree in Pakistan in January, 1989, for preserving and maintaining the
"beloved language." And I note this excitement in the initiatives
started in India, particularly in Calcutta (now Kolkata), and in the frequent
e-mails I receive from Boston, San Francisco, and Washington DC to mention just
three places from the USA. Perhaps this excitement is more than just a
linguistic and cultural nostalgia found in diasporic communities going through
multiple processes of "melting" within a larger community in India and
beyond. Kashmiri's interest in a reclamation of identity through the
preservation of their language is a proactive effort whose evolution and results
will be insightful to watch.
The antecedents of the linguistic heritage of the Kashmiris Hindus, Muslims,
and a handful of Sikhs continues to be as hotly debated as are aspects of
Kashmiri culture, the constructs of the identities of the natives of Kashmir and
the future of their land.
The Kashmiri language, called Kashur by the Kashmiris, and its
dialects are spoken in about a 10,000 square mile region in the bowl-shaped
valley of the Kashmir Province, in the state of Jammu and Kashmir. In other
languages (e.g., Hindi, Urdu, Punjabi, Tamil) the language is called kaashmiri
or kashmiri. English variant spellings include kaschemiri, cashmiri,
Cashmeeree, and kacmiri. The state borders with linguistically and
culturally diverse regions, not all of which have traditionally been congenial
to the inhabitants of Kashmir. In the north, the state borders on Afghanistan,
Tajakistan and China. In the east there is enchanting Tibet and in the west
there is Pakistan, that was carved out of the subcontinent in 1947. In this
northernmost state of the Republic of India live a small percentage of India's
population just 0.8 percent. But that figure is misleading since Kashmir is
geographically and culturally of strategic importance, and has a fascinating
historical legacy and cultural pluralism that has been characterized both in
literature and folklore as Kashmiriyat (Kashmiriness) an often mentioned
elusive term evoking the rich, pluralistic cultural and aesthetic traditions of
In the larger configuration of languages in India, Kashmiri is a minority
language, with 3,174,684 speakers (census 1981), mainly situated in the Valley,
also referred to as the "Kashmir mandala," a geographical zone,
which, in liturgical terms, is a "circle." The association of this
concept is with Tantric literary traditions and rituals and with artistic
creativity. There is also a smaller number of Kashmiri speakers within the
boundaries of the state, in the Doda district, Poonch-Rajori, Basohli and Riasi.
The diaspora varieties of Kashmiri are used in other parts of India, in
parts of Asia, and have in recent years been transplanted in Europe and the USA.
In diaspora, whether in India or abroad, the language is going through
gradual attrition due to the impact of the languages of wider communication,
mainly Hindi, Urdu, Punjabi, and English. The resultant language Shift
acquisition of a dominant language that is more functionally relevant in the new
contexts will ultimately result in the "death" of Kashmiri. We notice
this shift in major metropolitan cities of India, where a significant number of
Pandits have generally been forced to relocate themselves in the post-1980s and
Linguistic Affinity of Kashmiri
The origin and linguistic affinity of the language of Kashmiris has been a
point of prolonged scholarly debate. In its structure and vocabulary the
Kashmiri language has preserved features of extended language contact and
convergence with contiguous typologically distinct languages. In the north, it
is surrounded by Shina (a Dardic language), in the east by Tibeto-Burman
languages (e.g., Balti, Ladakhi), in the west by Pahari and Punjabi dialects,
and in the South by Dogri and Pahari dialects. The debate about the affinity of
Kashmiri centers around one major issue : whether Kashmiri is affiliated to the
Indo-Aryan or Dardic family of languages. The central points of this ongoing
debate are outlined here.
In Grierson's now out-dated view (e.g. Grierson 1915 and 1919) Kashmiri
belongs to a distinct group of languages within the Indo-Aryan branch of
Indo-European briefly discussed below. The other members of this group are
Indo-Aryan and Iranian. Grierson considers Kashmiri a "mixed language"
of "a Sanskritic form of speech" that belongs to the Dard group of the
Pishacha family, allied to Shina. The Dardic substratum, asserts Grierson, forms
the basis of the Kashmiri sound system, word formation, grammar and prosodic
He identifies several linguistic features that are "peculiar" of
Pishacha and which Pishacha shares with Eranian [Iranian]. Therefore, argues
Grierson, Kashmiri must be treated as related. These characteristic (or what he
considers "peculiar") features of Kashmiri include : absence of voiced
aspirates; consonantal epenthesis (change in a consonant under the influence of
the following vowel or semi-vowel); aspiration of stops in final position;
absence of vowel alteration or gemination of Prakrit borrowings; non-deletion of
t in the environment V+V; presence of a (ah) as a marker of
indefinitization; presence of large number of postpositions peculiar to Pishacha;
the similarity of the numerical system with Pishacha a three-fold system of
demonstrative pronouns; a three-term system for the past tense; and difference
in the word order. And, in spite of these differences, Grierson concedes that
Kashmiri has been "powefully influenced by Indian culture and
literature" and that this influence is evident in its vocabulary. However,
he is emphatic that some of the "commonest words", words that are
seldom borrowed and retained for long periods by unrelated languages, in
Kashmiri correspond to Shina words and are of Pishacha origin. Such words
include earlier numerals, and kinship terms such as 'father' and 'mother'.
The Dardic languages, in Grierson's view, form a third group, a sub-family,
of the Indo-Aryan branch of Indo-European (Grierson 1919 : 1-10), the other two
being Indo-Aryan and Iranian. The Pishacha languages, including the Shina Khowar
group, "occupy a position intermediate between the Sanskritic languages of
India proper and Eranian [Iranian] languages farther to the west." These
languages, Grierson concludes, are "neither of Indian nor of Eranian
origin, but form a third branch of the Aryan stock" (1906). However,
Grierson agrees that the Dardic languages have many shared features with the
Sanskritic languages, and other features that they share with the Iranian family
of languages. The Dardic family, he observes, has thus separated from the parent
stem after it branched forth from the Indian languages, "but before the
Eranian [Iranian] languages had developed all their peculiar
Grierson's controversial classification provides the following major groups
of the Dardic languages:
1. The Kafir group (including Bashgali, Wai-ala, Wasi-veri, Ashkund, Kalasha,
Gawar-bati, and Pashai);
2. The Khowar (or Chitrali) group; and
3. The Dard group (including Shina, Kashmiri, Kashtwari, Siraji, Rambani, and
Kohistani). The Kohistani group also includes Garwi, Torwali, and Maiya.
This position of Grierson's has evoked essentially two types of responses.
One group of scholars (e.g. Chatterji 1963) adopted the middle path. On this
question Chatterji makes two observations : First, that in spite of the Dardic
impact on the Kashmiri people and their language, Kashmiri "..... became a
part of Sanskritic culture. The Indo-Aryan Prakrits and Apabhramsha from the
Midland and from Northern Punjab profoundly modified the Dardic bases of
Kashmiri ..." (1963). Secondly, he concludes that the question of the
linguistic affiliation of Kashmiri still is not settled and remains an open one.
The second group of scholars rejects Grierson's hypothesis (e.g., Fussman
1972, Ganju 1991, Masica 1991, Pushp 1996, Toshakhani 1996 and Zakharyn 1984).
Their research, based on extensive fieldwork and comparative textual and
typological study, raises serious doubts about the linguistic validity of
Grierson's conceptualization of the Dardic or Pishacha language group. Fussman
(1972 : 11), says that the denomination "Dardic language" should not
strictly speaking be applied to Kashmiri ("Inverssement stricto sensu la
denomination langue darde ne devrait pas sappliquer au [Kashmiri]").
The terrain of the Dardic region has been much more accessible since
Grierson's study, therefore more insightful fieldwork in the region has been
possible. This accumulated evidence and research findings have made it possible
for Masica, for example, to emphatically assert that Grierson's positions about
the Dardic languages are "now definitely obsolete, and incorrect also in
its details." These concerns were originally raised by Morgenstierne, among
others (see also Ganju 1991, Koul and Hook [eds] 1984 and Toshakhani 1996).
In Morgenstiernes' view there is considerable evidence that the Dardic
languages are purely of Indo-Aryan origin and can be traced to a form of speech
that closely resembles Vedic. These languages have preserved archaisms and other
features as they did not pass through the Prakrit stage : these features include
three sibilants, several consonant clusters, and archaic vocabulary. According
to Morgenstierne, the fact that there are archaisms present in Dardic that are
lost in later Indo-Aryan, or that there is loss of aspiration in Dardic, is not
at all evidence for a hypothesis that the languages are not Indo-Aryan. The
Dardic languages, says Morgenstierne, "contain absolutely no features which
cannot be derived from old IA [Indo-Aryan]" (1961). Morgenstierne concludes
that Dardic languages (Kashmiri, Shina, Indus Kohistani, Khowar, Kalsha, Pashai,
Tirahi) are Indo-Aryan languages. (See also Ganju 1991). The Kafir (Nuristani)
languages (Kati, Waigali, Ashkun, and to some extent Dameli) present a different
profile. These languages are in a middle position, although "very heavily
overlaid by IA (Dardic) words and forms, these dialects have retained several
decidedly un-Indian features" (1961:139). There is, says Morgenstierne,
"not a single common feature distinguishing Dardic, as a whole, from the
rest of the IA languages, and the Dardic area itself is intersected by a network
of isoglosses, often of historical interest as indicating ancient lines of
communication as well as barriers" (1961 : 139). However, Morgenstierne is
less assertive of the Kafir (also called Nuristani) languages.
The controversy of the two major positions is summarized, among others, by
Fussman 1972 and Strand 1973. There is agreement with the major position of
Morgenstierne and his evidence that Kafir languages retain some archaic features
of (perhaps) proto-Indo-Aryan. These languages have preserved several
distinctive "non-Indian" characteristics. These include the loss of
aspiration, since aspiration is not distinctive in the Iranian languages; a
distinction between palatalized velar stops and IE labio-velars, a distinction
that no longer exists in Vedic Sanskrit and these languages also maintain an
archaic trait of the dental /s/ after /u/.
Whatever advances have been made in research on these languages, there still
is a lack of reliable demographic details and extensive empirical data., and of
typological and comparative studies. The earlier studies, essentially lexical
lists and sketchy grammatical outlines (compiled around the 1830s) are not very
insightful and often are of questionable authenticity. A majority of these
languages and dialects have small numbers of users and have no literary
traditions, with the exception of Kashmiri, which has a literary tradition that
goes back as far as the 13th century. Survey of Kashmiri literature are
available in English and other languages (e.g., Azad 1959, 1962, 1963 [3 vols.
in Urdu], Kaul 1969; Kachru 1981, Toshakhani 1985 [in Hindi]).
The Agony of Scripts
In the choice of a script and in maintenance and promotion of it for writing
Kashmiri, political ideology and religious identities have played an important
role. The Kashmiri language has historically been written in four scripts : the
Sharda, the Devanagari, the Perso-Arabic, and the Roman. The Sharda script,
traced back to the Brahmi (3rd cent B.C.) was exclusively used by the Pandits of
Kashmir; it closely resembles the Nagari script and is now almost extinct and is
preserved mainly in manuscripts and horoscopes. The Perso-Arabic script, with
several modifications, has been adopted by the state government as the official
script of the language. A number of modified versions of the Devanagari and
Roman scripts continue to be used in whatever little is published in Kashmiri
language and it indeed is very little. The differences in various versions of
each script are essentially in the use of the diacritic marks.
The Roman script was used by the Baptist missionaries of Serampore in Bengal
for publishing the Kashmiri versions of the New Testament (1821) and selected
parts of the Old Testament (1827, 1832). This script, in Chatterji's view
(1954:77), would have been "... the most reasonable and practical
thing.." for the Kashmiri language. The Perso-Arabic writing, Chatterji
continues "... is not at all a satisfactory solution...." It is,
however, the Perso-Arabic script that has finally prevailed.
Shift, Decay, Last Words, and the Death of Kashmiri
This obituarial lexicon of decay, last words, and death for my mother tongue
is not merely a reflection on an imagined future. It indeed is a reality that we
are already witnessing. The recent scholarly debate and predictions of language
death in South Asia and beyond has shown that a host of culturally and
linguistically diverse human languages are passing through escalating critical
stages of endangerment, decay, and ultimate demise. The question is : Is our
mother tongue on that critical list? The way events are unfolding, especially
for the Pandits of Kashmir, it is only excessive optimism that will stop us from
saying that another generation will not witness a comatose Kashmiri language,
particularly as used by the Pandit community.
The Kashmiri language in diaspora is a critical candidate for one or more of
the stages of decay and death. The doomsday prediction is that in the present
century we will witness the last words of 50 percent of the estimated 6,000 of
the world's languages. This language extinction will be proportionately shared
by India's 380 languages (if that estimated figure is not too conservative).
What, then, does the horoscope of the Kashmiri language show? A short answer is
: Decay and death!
This Cassandra-like attitude is based on a variety of indicators as reflected
in the sociolinguistic history of our language. First, consider the current
status of the language in Kashmir and beyond. The Eighth Schedule of India's
constitution recognizes Kashmiri as one of the national languages; however, the
state has adopted Urdu as the official language, thus, constraining Kashmiri
from developing any professional functional domains that would alter its status
of being essentially a "home language." Whatever educational uses are
made of the Kashmiri medium have hardly any official functional uses, and the
attitudes toward the language have not changed during the Post-1947 period. The
inclusion of the Kashmiri language in the Eighth Schedule has no numerical or
functional reason, but was primarily a political decision. The ongoing militancy
and its ideological, cultural and religious constructs of Kashmir and its people
have further weakened the case for support and promotion of the Kashmiri
language as an exponent of Kashmiriyat.
Second, reflect on how the creative writers in Kashmiri traditionally have
agonized about the attitude and status of our language. It is true that the
history of Kashmiri literature shows the excitement of writers when they finally
settle on Kashmiri as their medium, and at last find "their tongue"
for literary creativity. However, we see that a majority of important Kashmiri
poets first experimented with Urdu, Persian, Hindi, and some with English.
Ghulam Ahmad Mahjur (1885-1952) considered Kashmiri a "backward language2,"
though he played the most important role in its literary revival. Dina Nath
Nadim in 1974 candidly confessed that, "My language was Kashmiri, but we
were ashamed of writing in Kashmiri. We were not just ashamed; we didn't know
how to write in the language3." The story of other leading
Kashmiri writers is not much different and the situation has not significantly
The Kashmiris have historically given the status of literary, cultivated, or
elitist languages and literatures to Sanskrit or Persian and, in recent years,
to English. One earlier Kashmiri Persian poet, Lachman Raina (d. 1989),
expresses this attitude in an often-quoted masnavi :
Writing verse in Kashmiri
In the 1940's, we notice a tone of reflection and agony on the status of
Kashmiri. We see this agony in Mahjur's elder contemporary Zinda Kaul, "Masterji".
In 1942, in his poem, Paniny kath (About Ourselves), a sympathetic
non-Kashmiri chides a Kashmiri observing:
is groping in the dark.
If you would shine as a candle-flame,
write in Persian verse;
you would merely waste your talent if
you write in Kashmiri.
For you would not the jasmine hide
in a nettle bush,
nor edible oil or spices waste
on a dish of mallow wild.
But times have changed and Persian is
no longer read;
and radish and sugar-loaf is
relished alike. (See J. L. Kaul. 1969 : 175)
You are wasting time sitting at the shore,
To which the Kashmiri responds :
while other nations are taking to boast eager to cross over.
"We are like a house divided against itself, and have lost our mother
tongue. Whither can such men go? The wise have said that food prepared by
(disagreeing) partners goes to dogs (since each thinks it is the other's duty to
watch it)."(Tr. by Zinda Kaul) Models for comparison of excellence in
literary creativity provide yet another clue for expressing the attitudes toward
a language in Kashmiri literary culture the model has always been an external
one. The lingering legacy of Persian cultural domination is evident in such
comparisons : the Kashmiri poet Mahmud Gami of Shahbad (d. 1855) was called the
Nizami of Kashmir and Wahab Pare (1846-1914) was favorably called the Firdausi
of Kashmir; both notable poets in Persian. The markers of literary status are
thus constructed by comparison with, for example, Persian, Sanskrit, and
Third, in functional terms, the Kashmiri language is a prisoner of its own
borders on the one side the present line of control is around Uri, and on the
other side the Banihal Pass. The currency of the Kashmiri language whatever
functional domains the language has acquired is within that limited territory
and ceases at these borders, one artificially created and one a natural
boundary. And beyond that, in India and Pakistan, Kashmiris are in diaspora both
real and imagined, forced and voluntary, recent and of the past generations. In
some Kashmiri homes, in the plains of India and Pakistan, the language is
already in a comatose state; in a majority of diasporic families one can see
gradual and visible decay and death of the Kashmiri language as shown in Bhatt's
insightful study of Kashmiris in Delhi (1989). I see this happen in my own
family, in my children and in the baradari we interact with in my part of
the USA and in other parts. In India all one has to do is to observe the
linguistic behaviour and language use of our younger generation in Jammu and in
the Pamposh Colony in South Delhi.
In the USA, Britain and other countries outside India which are,
linguistically, extreme diasporic contexts for the Kashmiri language, I am
reminded of the situation of the transplanted Armenian language. Speakers of
Armenian English in the USA are characterized the "smouldering
generation", and the Armenian culture revivalists have finally recognized
that "the slide of obliteration" of the culture and language cannot be
checked. The Kashmiri language has become the language of yet another diasporic
"smouldering generation", in both their native land, and beyond the
borders of India. What I have said about the Armenian and Kashmiri languages is
the fate of a significant number of other languages diasporic or non-diasporic
in India, in Asia, and beyond. This has happened in the past and this doom is
present now. The colonization of America and Australia is responsible for the
greatest extinction of indigenous languages, and closer at home in the British
Isles English caused the extinction of Cornish and Manx. I must, however, add
that does not imply that in some form pockets of Kashmiri users will not
survive, as do some Irish-speakers in some regions of Ireland.
It is indeed true that in diasporic contexts, by acquiring other languages,
English, Hindi, Urdu, Bengali and so on, we Kashmiris certainly become more than
we are linguistically, culturally and functionally. We encounter other
traditions and acquire other identities. A major question remains : by loosing
our language, culture, and traditions are we also becoming less than we are? We
have yet to respond to this question in a constructive, pragmatic, organized and
The Rescue Brigade for Kashmiri
The scenario of looming doom about the maintenance of the Kashmiri language,
particularly in diaspora, as I indicated above, is indeed based on the past
diasporic destinies of the worlds' many other minority languages. And in
reality, the diasporic Kashmiris are not a "minority" in any
significant numerical sense. We are somewhat like the Parsis (who emigrated to
India in the 8th cent. AD to avoid Muslim persecution) more visible
than numerically countable. Therefore one has to consider what type of language
input from other languages and interactional contexts the speakers of Kashmiri
receive in melting pot situations. In contextualizing the Kashmiri language in
our diasporic life and living, we must ask: What functions does Kashmiri serve?
What competence in the language do we develop in our younger generation the
"melting pot" generation for using the Kashmiri language as a medium
to open doors to what we believe are the canonic texts of Kashmiri culture,
legacy, and heritage.
By imparting some minimal knowledge in Kashmiri to our new generation who
generally receive it grudgingly anyway are we providing them an effective tool
to understand any cultural resources through the Kashmiri medium? Such
literary resources are, for example, the mystic poet Lalla (b. around 1335); the
Bhakti poets Parmananda (1719-1874), Krishna Razdan (1850-1925); Zinda Kaul
"Masterji" (1884-1965); the pioneers of modernism Ghulam Ahmad Mahjur
(1885-1952) and Abdul Ahad Azad (1903-1948); and a mjor initiators of the
Renaissance in Kashmiri literature Dina Nath Nadim (1916-1988) and Abdul Rahman
Rahi (b. 1925). We might also like to consider whether this transmission of
awareness about this literary tradition oral and written has now to be done
essentially through translations. The question of translations raises a string
of other important questions. Perhaps one initial practical initiative is to
plan one or two Kashmiri culture centers, where present and hopefully future
generations can locate resources to study what we believe represents this legacy
of Kashmiri culture and what we so fondly call Kashmiriyat.. I will not
go into those details here.
One major center of the Pandit community is Delhi, both numerically and in
terms of sociopolitical activism. However, within Delhi there is no center which
in any serious sense qualifies as a repository of Kashmiri cultural resources
historical, social, intellectual, and literary.
We have no organized access to valuable papers of Kashmiri Pandit thinkers,
writers, and artists which reflect their perceptions of our social, political,
and ideological movements. We have no coordinated archives of the sociocultural
history of the past and the present of our community and of the communities that
played a vital role in our lives.
Our younger generation should have access to the major studies and debates
about Kashmir and Kashmiris as chronicled and represented in the published and
oral sources from Srinagar before and after 1980s. These resources if these have
not already been destroyed include, for example, the daily Martand,
representing one articulate voice of the Pandits of the Valley; the Hamdard,
edited by a provocative and often controversial political activist Prem Nath
Bazaz; the weekly Desh associated with the pioneering social reformer and
visionary leader Kashyap Bhandu; the weekly Vitasta edited by Amarnath
Kak; and the Jyoti organ of the Kashmiri Pandit Samaj Sudhar Samiti under
the dedicated leadership of Pandit Gopi Krishna who earned international
reputation as a proponent of the Kundalini yoga ("path to higher
consciousness"). This list is long and should include resources on major
Kashmiri thinkers, creative writes, and artists.
If we agree with the Cassandra-like belief that this wave of doom is
resulting in linguicide, language death, and language decay
of the world's minority languages and cultures, and if we believe that our
mother tongue Kashmiri is already engulfed by this wave, now is the time to
pause and ask : What role can the "rescue brigades" of the Kashmiri
languages and culture play?
It appears that the wave has already engulfed the Kashmiri language so far as
the Kashmiri Pandit community is concerned. It is present in the refugee camps
which the Indian government and media, in a semantically offensive and demeaning
way, have termed camps for "migrants" from Kashmir. The doom is active
in the diasporic contexts, permanent and temporary, and it is noticeable in the
melting pot contexts in the USA, Britain, and in several Asian countries where
Kashmiris, both Hindus and Muslims, have relocated in small-very small-numbers.
There, however, is certainly some excitement often muted about preserving the
"beloved language." I see this excitement in the letters I receive
requesting copies of the manual An Introduction to Spoken Kashmiri (2
vols.), and in initiatives started in Boston, San Francisco, in Washington DC,
in Kolkata, and (perhaps) in Delhi. I see it also in the interest shown in my
website for learning spoken Kashmiri. (The credit for creating this website goes
to Sunil Fotedar of Houstan, Texas, who proposed it, developed it, and is still
refining it with dedication and commitment).
The doom I have discussed above is Hydra-like : It has many faces and the
decay of the Kashmiri language is just one face. There is yet another more
ominous face, that of the extinction of the Kashmiri Pandits as a community. We
see indication and a warning of this threat in a survey report recently released
by the Medical Aid, a non-governmental organization, auguring that the
population of displaced Pandits is not only "declining fast," but also
that the community is "sure to face extinction." This survey,
submitted to the National Human Rights Commission, was conducted in one of the
"migrant" camps in Jammu.4
In the past decade over 200,000 Pandits have been forced to leave the Valley
due to increasing militancy. The survey further shows that 13,708
"migrant" Pandits have died in the camps, compared to only 4735
births. Dr Choudary tells us that "if the present death rate continues, the
Pandits are sure to face extinction." These indeed are chilling words, and
if this doom of the community is not controlled, our next generation may not
have to worry any more about saving the Kashmiri language as used by the Pandits.
We do not have to be reminded that a language does not have a life of its own,
nor does a language die or decay through any natural ageing process. A language
lives because it has users, and it dies or decays because its users believe that
it has no vital uses for them, or its users have gradually shifted to other
languages languages that provide access to, functionally and attitudinally,
greener pastures. In other words, the melting pot has finally consumed them.
1. The "melting pot" generation refers to the
attempts of minority groups (e.g., ethnic, religious, linguistic) for
assimilation with the main stream, particularly in diasporic contexts. This term
was originally used almost a century ago by Isreal Zangwill, and it continues to
evoke both positive and negative reactions, for example, in the USA.
2. Mahjur used this statement in a published letter.
3. In an interview in his Jawahir Nagar home in Srinagar.
4. This news item appeared in The newspapertoday.com (Indiatody
News Group) under the caption "The population of Hindus declining
dangerously : Survey" by Izhar Wani, Srinagar, dated February, 25, 2001.
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Braj B. Kachru is Center for Advanced Study Professor of Linguistics
and Jubilee Professor of Liberal Arts and Sciences, University of Illinois at
Urbana, Illinois, 61801, USA, e-mail <email@example.com>