Upender Ambardar
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Upender Ambardar


Upender Ambardar

Upender Ambardar is a well-known Researcher and an M.A. in Kashmiri Literature from Kashmir University. He specialises in Social history and Culural traditions of Kashmiri Pandits. Presently, he is serving as Programme-Executive, All India Radio.

 

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The Winter Rituals of Kashmiri Pandits -The Legacies of Past


By Upender Ambardar

THE hallowed land of Kashmir is blessed with divinity in enormousness. The rituals, customs, traditions and celebration of sacred days are cultural, social and religious expressions of great cultural mosaic of Kashmir. Mysticism, mythology, spiritual thought and socio-cultural history are formidable ingredients of our festivals, rituals and customs. The local shades and native identities inherent in them not only connect us with the past but also help in the socio-historical reconstruction of antiquity. They land hope, grace, zest, variety and grandeur both to an individual and the society. The prominent winter  rituals of Kashmir are - Gada Bata, Majhor Tahar, Chari Oakdoh, Lavsi Chodah, Kichdi Amavasya, Makar Sankranti (Shishar Sankrat) and Shishur etc. They represent the community's religio-cultural pride as they give us social, psychological religious, cultural and emotional compactness. Moreover, their origin and roots can be traced to the progenitors and forebears of the community centuries back.

Our unbending faith in them reminds us not to forget the ancient land and rich civilisation of the past to which we belong.

Gada Bata:

'Gada Bata' stands out conspicuously as an imposing and time honoured winter ritual of Kashmiri Pandits. The ritual has survived even in our forced exile despite a brush with the modernity. It is celebrated in the month of December during the dark fortnight of Posh locally known as 'Poh Gutpach' either on Tuesday or Saturday. As per a religious belief, every house has a presiding and governing deity, reverently remembered as 'Ghar Divta' or 'Dayat Raza' by Kashmiri Pandits. The house is believed to remain under the benevolent and protective surveillance of 'Dayat Raza' everytime. A religiously pious house is thought to have auspicious and positive dividends. The believers share a firm conviction that positive and spiritual resonance generated due to the presence of presiding deity of the house drives away bad omens, evil spirits, acrimonious feelings and negative retardants if existing in the house. His indivisible presence also guarantees wellness, harmony and stability of kinship among the inmates of the house.

It also testifies a centuries old notion that elements of spiritualism, religiousness coexist alongwith materialism in a harmonious blend in the houses of Kashmiri Pandits. The ritual of 'Gada Bata' is an eagerly awaited occasion in every Kashmiri Pandit house even now. On any selected Tuesday or Saturday of Posh Krishna Paksh, the divine patron of the house called 'Ghar Divta or Dayat Raza' is propitiated by an offering of fish dish and rice. On the designated day, the kitchen is cleansed and the needed utensils are thoroughly washed. The fish to be cooked are spotlessly cleaned and cut into whole girth pieces. The entire volume of used water along with the scrubal fish scales, fins, discarded fish inners are retained and thrown off only when the fish and rice offering is made to the 'Dayat Raza'. The fish are cooked in combination with nadru, reddish or Kadum (Knolkol) as per the family's ritual or 'reath'. It is followed by invocational pooja of rice and fish dish. Afterwards, rice and cooked fish pieces in the sequential order of head, middle and tail portions are kept either in fresh earthen plates (toke) or on grass woven circular base (Aer) called 'chret' or in a thali as per the family 'reeth'. They are now placed on the clay smeared floor of the upper storey room of the house called 'Kani or pbraer-Kani' A washed uncooked and ..dressed fish is also kept on a separate grass woven ring called 'chret' adjacent to the above offering. An oil lit earthen lamp (choang), a tumbler filled with water and a tooth pick (optional) are also kept near the rice and fish offering. As per the family custom, the offering is either kept underneath a willow basket called 'Kranjul' or left uncovered. The said room is then left undisturbed and unattended during the night. The following morning, the families in accordance with their 'reeth' either put the rice and fish dish offering on the house roof to be fed upon by the birds or share the consecrated food-offering as 'naveed' by the family members. As per belief, the scattering of rice grains and sight of fish bones kept aside is indicative of the acceptance of the offering by the 'Ghar Divta'.

Every care is taken by the family to ensure the religious purity during the celebration of this ritual as any deviation or flawed observance invites 'Ghar Divta's' annoyance and anger. The oral narratives and family lores are full of the wrath inviting incidents. Recounting a happening of such nature at her Habbakadal residence as heard from her elders Smt Aneeta Tikoo revealed "Once a delay in performing the 'Gada Bata' ritual resulted in disquietening noise coming-out from the 'Thoker Kuth' for several nights. It was taken as displeasure and annoyance of the 'Ghar Divta'. Immediate celebration of the ritual astonishingly put an end to the mysterious noise."

Recollecting another incident of the yore, she elaborated "once an elderly lady Smt. Visherded received a mysterious bash from an invisible force in the house. It was taken as an indication of some wrong doing during the observing of ritual. Afterwards, the ritualistic offering made once again put the things right." Narrating one more unusual happening of 1970s, wherein a lady in the neighbourhood the fried inner parts of fish before the customary offering was made to presiding deity of the house. It resulted in the hurt caused to the said lady by unexpected collapsing of the kitchen wall during the course of cooking, which was an indication of 'Ghar Divtas' anger and ire".

Sharing a personal experience in the existence of 'Ghar Divta', Sh Susheel Hakim, an erstwhile resident of Karan Nagar, Srinagar, also recounted "for  several days in the year 1980, I would feel  enormous and mysterious heaviness pounding my body in my bed during night in wakeful state following the opening of my room door on its own. Astonishingly, the mysterious feeling of pounding vanished after the well-known mystic of Karan Nagar Kashi Bub, fondly known as Kashi mout, who used to frequent our home advised me to make an offering of rice and fish to 'Ghar Divta'. Narrating one more related incident of the same year, Sh. Susheel Hakim divulged "one of our tenants Sh. Anil Kachroo, a student those days would observe the unoccupied bed in his room getting weighed down by a mysterious and invisible force during night, which would precede the automatic opening of the room door. The bed would regain its original form after a brief spell, indicating that a divine figure had rested for a while on the bed".

Sh. Roshan Lal Zadoo, presently at Bhagwati Nagar Jammu also shared a similar incident that his father late Sh. Dina Nath Zadoo had noticed a divine figure in white robes descending the staircase of his home at Nowgam Kuthar, Anantnag.

Manjhor Tahar:

 One more important winter ritual is that of 'Majhor Tahar', which is celebrated on Magh Purnima, locally  known as Manjhor Punim. The ritual comes in the months of November-December. It is a thanks giving ritual towards the all pervading Almighty God, who is the source of our sustenance and subsistence. It is symbolic of His generosity and benevolence bestowed upon us in the form of bountiful cultivated crops. On the day of Magh Purnima, yellow coloured rice (Tahar) and potatoes and 'Kadum' (Knolkol) spiced with red chillies are cooked during night.

After the customary pooja, the offering  - the 'Tahar' and the cooked vegetable dish known as 'chout' is kept on the roof top during the night itself. Afterwards, the remaining portion of the food is taken as 'prasad' by all the family members. In certain places, the ritual is regarded to signify the fertility of the soil. The believers offer the oblation of 'Tahar' and cooked vegetable dishes to the deity of crops in their crop fields. The ritual of 'Manjhor Tahar' is celebrated to invoke the deity of crops and soil fertility for ensuring allround welfare and prosperity in the form of bountiful crops. The ritual is also supposed to ward off the damaging influences, which may affect the crop production. The ritual also enforces the intimate and fruitful relationship between man and the forces of nature, which are believed to shower grace, mercy and blessings in the form of different varieties of crops cultivated by us. The food or crop represents the physical matter, which guarantees the sustenance, nourishment and household protection.

The yellow colour of 'Tahar' is a mystical interpretation of auspiciousness, spirituality and positiveness. Yellow is regarded as a royal colour and is symbolic of the flow of sacred energy, which is believed to activate and stimulate the surroundings. The yellow colour of 'Tahar' also denotes warmth, glow and bloom in every action connected with our life.

Chari Oakdoh:

'Manjhor Tahar' is followed by another ritual know as 'Chari Oakdoh', which is celebrated on Posh Krishna Paksh Pratipadha, locally known as 'Poh Gutpach Oakdoh'. The ritual involves  the cooking of rice and moong dal. About seven or nine small rectangular stones collected from the river or streams are seated on grass woven rings called 'Arie'. These are symbolic of the 'Mother Cult' or 'Shakti Pooja' and represent 'Matrakas' or little Divine. Mothers.' 'Matrakas' are known by the names of Brahmni, Mahesvari, Kumari, Vaishnavi, Varahi, Narasimhi and Aindri or Indrani.

They are the 'Shaktis' of Brahma, Isvara, Kumar or Skanda, Visnu, Varaha, Narasimha and Indra. According to Tantarshastra, Brahmini represents the primordial nada, which is the unmanifest sound denoting the origin of all the creations. It resembles the Divine energy as represented by the 'Pranav' or 'Om'. In the ritualistic invocation of the 'Matrakas', offering of rice and dal mixed together are placed before the seven or nine 'Matrakas' represented by small rectangular stones. It also involves the applying of tilak to all the idealised images of 'Matrakas'. Afterwards the family members take the 'naveed'. The 'Chari Oakdoh' is also known as the ritual of 'Matraka Pooja'.

Lavsie Chodah:

One day ahead of 'Kitchdi Amavasya' comes the little known ritual of 'Lavsie Chodah'. It is celebrated on Posh Krishna Paksh Chaturdashi. In this ritual, apart from rice, moong dal in combination with reddish is cooked.

After the traditional pooja, the offering of rice and the cuisine of dal and reddish is kept on the roof top. The consecrated portion is taken as 'naveed' by the house inmates.

The ritual of 'Lavsa Chodah' has presently lost much of the original ritualistic fervour and has receded in significance. It needs to be taken back to its pristine glory.

All the community rituals need to be celebrated with unquestioned faith as besides spreading cheer and mirth, they have an impacting role in shaping our lives.                            

Khaechimavas or Khichdi

Amavasya is an ancient winter ritual of Kashmiri Pandits. It is celebrated on Posh Krishna Paksh Amvasaya (Poh Ghata Pach Mavas) with unshakeable faith by Kashmiri Pandits. Khaechimavas besides being an integral part of our religio-cultural life also encompasses the mythologized history of Kashmir.

Further, it authenticates and affirms the historicity of Yakshas, the ancient aboriginal tribe of Kashmir, who dwelled in the upper mountainous region of the Himalayan ranges extending from the present day Uttranchal, Himachal Pradesh to Kashmir. The Hindu scriptures have elevated Yakshas to the status of demigods along with Gandharvas (the celestian musicians), Kinnaras (the divine choristers), Kiraats and Rakshas.

The influence of Shaivism on the ritual of Khichdi Amavasya is clearly visible.Yakshawere also ardent worshippers of Lord Shiva, the most adored and revered God of Kashmiri Pandits.

The Yakshapati Lord Kubera is regarded as an intimate friend of Lord Shiva. Lord Kubera, known as the Lord of wealth, is said to be the son of sage Visravas and grandson of the sage Pulastya besides being the half brother of the demon king, Ravana. As per the Hindu mythology, Lord Kubera resides in the mythological city of Alkapuri, which is said to be situated on one of the spurs of the Mount Meru in the exalted Himalayas. Incidentally, Mount Meru, which is believed to be densely forested with the divine 'Kalpavraksha' trees is said to be the abode of Lord Shiva also. Alkapuri is also known by the names of VasudharaVasusathli andPrabha. As per the Hindu epics of Ramayana and Mahabharat, Lord Kuber had his sway on the city of Lanka before he was ousted from there by his half brother, the demon king Ravana. He was also the proud owner of the celestial aerial chariot 'Pushpak Viman', which was later-on snatched away from him by the demon king Ravana. The city of Lanka is believed to have been built of gold by the divine architect Vishwakarma for the residence of Lord Kubera.

Yakshi also known by the alternative names of Charvi and Kauveri, the spouse of Lord Kubera is said to be the daughter of Danav Mura. She is believed to serve Goddess Durga as one of the attendants. Manigriva (also known as Varnkavi) andNalkubera (also called as Mayuraja), are Lord Kubera's sons, whileas Menakshi is his daughter. Lord Kubera, the King of Yakshas is also known as Dhanpati (the lord of wealth), Nar-raja (the King of men), Rajraja (the King of Kings),Ichchhavasu (one who gets immense wealth at his own wish and will),Ratangarbha (one who possesses plenty of jewels and diamonds) and also asRakshasendra (the chief of demons). He is also known as the presiding deity of the northern side of the universe and the house. Hindu mythology describes Kuber to have a white complexion, a deformed body with three legs and only eight teeth. Further, he is regarded not only as the lord of gold but also of silver, jewels, diamonds and all other kinds of precious stones. He is also known as the protector of the business class of the society.

In the mythological depictions, Lord Kuber is shown as seated on the shoulders of a man or riding a carriage pulled by men. Sometimes an elephant or a ram (an uncastrated male sheep) are also shown as his mounts. The subjects and devotees of Lord Kuber are called as Yaksh and they are believed to possess supernatural powers. They can change their shape and form at will. They are regarded to be full of kindness, compassion and benevolence.

According to Kalhan's Raj Tarangni, Yakshas resided on the mighty mountain ranges of Kashmir. They would descend to the plains during the winter season, where the Naga inhabitants would extend the hospitality to them by offering the delectable cuisine of Khichdi. The Yakshas are believed to be historical reality down the ages as innumerable villages and temples have been dedicated to them. They exist in vast stretches of land right from the present day states of Uttranchal, Himachal Pradesh and Jammu and Kashmir. In the capital city of Shimla in Himachal Pradesh, there is a famous Hanuman temple on the adjacent Jakhu hill. It is believed that thousands of years back Yaksha sage performed austerities and penance there. Lord Hanuman is said to have made a brief stopover at the Jakhu hill during his search for 'Sanjeevani Bhooti' for Lakshman. The sage Yaksha latter-on built a temple on the hill in honour of Lord Hanuman. In Rohru and Arki tehsil of Shimla district, two villages dedicated to Yakshas are known by the names of Jakhu and Jakhol. The word Jakhol in the local dialect means 'Yakshalai' or the abode of Yaksha.

In the central part of Himachal Pradesh, there are many temples dedicated to Yakshas and Yakshanis, who are worshipped as the village deities of the natives. They are also regarded as the deities of domestic cattle. In order to ward off the evil spell and to guarantee plentiful of milk, Yakshas are propitiated by burning 'dhoop' and incense sticks in the cowsheds. Dr. M.S. Randhawa, a noted researcher writes in his book "Farmers of India" that PischasYakshas andNaga tribes inhabited Kashmir in ancient times. Prof. DD Sharma, a well-known historian and researcher has identified numerous villages dedicated to Yakshas in the hilly regions of the Himalayas in his book "Himalayan Sanskriti Kae Muladar". There is a strong belief among the people in the hilly areas that affluence and fortune will come one's way if the Yaksha King Lord Kuber is propitiated and pleased. The said belief also exists in the folklore of Kashmir.

According to Prof. D.D. Sharma, the villages of JakhJakhet in Karanprayag,Jakhola in JoshimathJakhni and Jakhoal in Chamoli, Jakhand, Jakhanyali, Jakhvadi, Jakholi, Jakhni and Jakhi in Devprayag, Jakh and Jakhol in Tehri GarhwalJakhJakhniJakhola and Jakhmoli in Pauri Garwal and Jakhu on Dehradun-Rajpora road not only had strong association with Yakshas but also speak volumes about their possible high concentration in these places in the ancient times. In addition to it, the entire area of Alaknanda right from Joshimath to Karanprayag is known as 'Jakh' or the area which was once occupied and dominated by Yakshas.

According to Dr. Jagdish Prasad Samval, a celebrated researcher, a temple known as 'Yakshraj' exists on a mountain top about one km. away from Narayankote on the road leading to Kedarnath. Yakshraj, Lord Kuber is the local deity of the surrounding eleven villages of the area. Likewise, there is a Yakshraj temple in Pithoragarh also, where meat offerings are made to the deity. Yakshraj is also the guardian deity of the adjacent villages. Almora also has a famous temple known as Jakhani Devi temple.

According to Prof. D.D. Sharma, Almora area has Jakhnola, Jakhnoli, Jakhani, Jakh villages, whileas Ranikhet has Jakhni, Jakh and Nainital has the village by the name of Jakh. In Jammu province also there are two villages-Jakhni (65 kms from Jammu city on way to Udhampur) and Jakhbhar (4-5 kms from Kathua on Nagari road).

In Kashmir also, the Yakshas have left their impressions behind. These have survived in the form of village names even upto the present times. The villages ofIchikote, Ichigam, Ichihama, Ichigoz and Rairyach situated in the central district of Budgam (Kashmir) might have been Yaksha settlements at certain stages of time. I have also been able to locate one more village by the name of Yachihoum, which is nestled in the foothills of forested mountain on Srinagar - Sonamarg road in Ganderbal district in Kashmir. One more village known by the name of Yachinar is situated in the southern district of Anantnag in Kashmir. According to Late Prof. Laxmidhar Kalla, a noted Sanskrit scholar of India and HoD Sanskrit, Delhi University, a village by the name of Alkapuri exists near the village Manigam in Ganderbal (Kashmir). Some scholars state that a tribe by the name of Yakshun lives in Dardistan area, which is located in north of Kashmir. They assert that the name Yakshun is a derivative from Yakshkun meaning Yakshas. A township to the west of the present day new airport near Humhama village in Budgam village locally known as Damodar Wudar is said to have been built by an ancient King of Kashmir, Damodar. Yakshas, who were adept in the construction skills are believed to have contributed help and expertise.

Yakshas have also left their imperishable imprints on the social fabric of Kashmir. They are in the form of Surnames of 'Yaksha', 'Yach' and 'Rakshas' retained by Kashmiri Pandits.

Lord Kuber is said to be the chief of both Yakshas and Rakshas. Late Sh. Dina Nath Yaksh, a noted Sanskrit scholar of Kashmir was a resident of Bulbullankar, Alikdal Srinagar upto the year 1990. About five to six Pandit families having the surname 'Yach' were residents of Rainawari (Karapora Khushki) area in Srinagar upto their migration from there in 1990. A few Pandit families with the surname'Yach' were also residents of Karfalli-Mohalla, Srinagar and Sopore township of Baramulla district. According to few Hindu scriptures 'Rakshshas' are not demons but on the contrary benefactors and defenders.

According to Kashmiri folklore, Yaksh is believed to make two and half sounds of 'Waaf' (two high pitched and one low volume sounds). The same folklore says that Yaksh dons a red cap made of gold, which is studded with jewels and diamonds. This cap known as 'Phous' is said to bestow enormous supernatural powers to Yaksh.

As per prevalent lore in Kashmir, anyone who succeeds in snatching the cap and then hides it under a mortar or a hand mill stone or a pitcher filled with water or an earthen pot full of fermented kitchen leftover vegetables called 'Saderkanz' is believed to tame Yaksh. The snatcher is given unlimited wealth if the cap is given back to Yaksh.

According to family lore of Ambardars, one of their ancestors is believed to have seized the cap of Yaksh. After the cap was returned to Yaksh, the Ambardar families were exempted from offering the oblation of Khitchdi to Yaksh on the ritual of Khitchdiamavsya. The same family lore states that once one of their ancestors, who in violation of this exemption dared to observe the ritual ofKhitchdiamavsya had his house engulfed by fire. Since that time the Ambardar families of Kashmir continue to abstain from observing the said ritual. 

Observance of the Ritual:

On the evening of Khichdi Amavasya (Khaechimavas), rice mixed with turmeric powder and ungrinded moong dal is cooked. Khichdi is also prepared with meat or cheese as per the individual family's tradition. Khichdi cooked with sanctimonious purity is kept either on a fresh earthen plate (toke) seated on a hand woven circular grass base called 'aer' or in a 'thali'. Adjacent to it, a pestle (Kajvut) is also seated on a round grass base (aer) in an upright state.

During the ritualistic poojatilak is applied to the pestle. The pestle is a symbolic representation of Lord Kuber, the King of Yakshas. After the completion of navigational pooja, the offering of Khichdi kept in the earthen plate and seated on the grass base (aer) is placed on the court yard wall of the house. Afterwards, the consecrated potion of Khichdi is taken by the family members as 'prasad' either with uncooked reddish or Knolkhol pickle.

In some rural areas of Kashmir, Khichdi of 'mash dal' called 'Maha Khaechar' or Khichdi of black beans or 'Varimuth' is also cooked. It is prepared for the domestic cattle. This kind ofKhichdi along with a bit of honey is kept in the cowsheds, paddy storage room (daan-kuth) and on cowdung heaps. In the morning it is fed to the cows. As per belief, it not only increases the milk giving capacity of the cows but also protects them from the various ailments as the Lord Kuber is also the Lord of domestic cattle. It bears close resemblance with a practice followed in certain rural pockets of Uttranchal and Himachal, where pooja is performed in the cowsheds. The pestle kept during the ritual of Khichdi Amvasaya is symbolic representation of our steadfastness and unwavering faith for the said ritual. It is also metaphoric representation of the hilly regions where Yakshas lived in the past.

The pestle denotes the absolute formlessness of the all powerful God. On the evening of Khichdi Amavasya, a few Pandit families of Sopore township of Baramulla district make a bonfire of wood on the riverbank (Yarbal) and burn crackers. It is believed to bestow health as fire is supposed to consume all kinds of human ailments since Yakshapati, Lord Kuber is also regarded as the deity of health.

Sharing a ritual related incident of the year 1981, Sh. PN Tikoo, a retired engineer of Vijayanagar, Talab Tillo Jammu, recalled. "The residents of the newly constructed government quarters of Khannabal, Anantnag (Kashmir) were baffled by the unusual sounds of 'waaf', heard continuously during wintery nights. All the measures undertaken by the residents neither stopped the unusual sounds nor led us to the origin of sound. Astonishingly, the sounds of 'waaf' stopped the moment I made a ceremonial offering of Khichdi to Yaksh".

All the rituals need to be celebrated with fervour and faith as they give spiritual resonance to our lives.

Festivities Galore - Shivratri


By Upender Ambardar

FESTIVALS and sacred days have deep roots in our socio-religious traditions. They form a significant part of our cultural heritage. Their celebrations lead to spiritual upliftment, soul purification, moral enrichment besides self-discipline. The festivals sustain our spirits, add colour, zeal, variety and zest to our existence and in the process help to keep our traditions and time tested rituals alive. Kashmir has been a seat of spiritual and cultural strength since ancient times, Kashmiri Pandits are basically Shaivites and Shaivite philosophy has attained growth and strength in the serenity of cool and calm surroundings of Kashmir. The worship of Lord Shiva and his Divine consort Parvati is an inseparable part of our tradition and culture. Shivatri, locally known as 'Hayrath', is sacred festival of Kashmiri Pandits. This ancient and auspicious festival has immense religious and cultural sanctity. It's sanctity finds a prominent reference in the sixth century Sanskrit text, 'Nilmat Puran' of Kashmir. Shivratri festival has also been highlighted in the famous philosophical work 'Shivastrotravali' of Utpal Dev, the great Shaivite philosopher of the eighth century. One of the greatest Shaivite, AbhinavGupt has also paid salutations and obeisance to Vatuk Bhairava in his famous Trika philosophical work called 'Tantraloka'. Even the renowned historian Kalhan's 'Rajtarangni' also bears an invocation to Lord Shiva at the very start of the text. The famous treatises like 'Sivadrashti' by Acharya Somananda, 'Shivstotravali' by Utpal Dev and 'Pratyabhijna Darshnam' by AbhinavGupt have contributed immensely towards the enrichment of Kashmir Shaivism. Kashmir Shaivism, also called Trika Shastra is the philosophy of triad, which comprises Shiva-the Universal consciousness, Shakti-the Divine energy and Nara-the human soul. It regards the entire creation as His manifestation, which is real and not illusion. We worship Lord Shiva in His both forms of Shiva and Shakti. Shakti for us is the Goddess Raginya, Sharika, Kali or Durga, who are the energy aspects of Lord Shiva. Worshipping Lord Shiva leads to the cosmic mother, who offers solace, protection and divine grace to one and all.

Accordingly, the ultimate Truth or Supreme Reality is Lord Shiva Himself and the whole creation is His manifestation.

He is consciousness and Bliss. Everything emanates from Him and everything merges in Him. He is in us and we are in HIM. In reality, Kashmir Shaivism is a spiritual quest for an inward journey and search rather than an outward one. It is the exploration and realization of the divinity within ourselves. Lord Shiva is also known as Mahadeva-the Great God, Triloki Nath-the Lord of three worlds, Umapati, GauripatiParvatipati,Chandrashekhar-the moon-crested, Gangadhar-the bearer of Ganga, Girisha-the mountain Lord, Mahakal -the Lord of death, Pashupati-the Lord of beasts andVishwanath-the Lord of Universe. HE is the Lord of his spiritual consort, the Goddess Parvati, which in reality is the cosmic energy. The union of Lord Shiva with Shakti is Shivratri. Every Monday is sacred to Lord Shiva. Generally, the fourteenth day of the dark half of each month is called Shivaratri. But the one that falls on Phalgun (February-March) is Mahashivratri. Mahashivratri known as 'Hayrath' in Kashmir is a twenty three days festival, which starts from Phalgun Krishna Paksh Pratipada (Phadgun gatapach Oakdoh), the first day of the dark fortnight. It culminates in Phalgun.

Shuklapaksh Ashtami, known as 'Tila Aetham'. On Shivratri, the sun and the moon are usually in the Zodiac sign of Aquarius or Kumbh Rashi. Kashmiri Pandits perform Shivratri Puja called Vatak Puja on the intervening night of Triyodashi and Chaturdashi, while in the rest of the country, people observe Mahashivratri on Chaturdashi.

Shivratri is also known by the names of Mahashivratri, Kalratri and Talaratri. Shivratri, the night of Bliss, has a special significance as the Divine Mother symbolically merges with the divine Lord, thereby establishing non-dualism in the Absolute form. It is also believed that Jyotir Linga appeared on the earth at midnight during the intervening night of Triyodashi and Chaturdashi to remove darkness and ignorance from the world. As such the great night of Shiva is said to commemorate the auspicious advent of the divine Mahajyoti or Supreme light. According to the holy Hindu scriptures, the festival of Mahashivratri also signifies the day on which Lord Shiva saved the world from total annihilation by drinking the deadly 'Haalahal' poison, produced during the great churning of the ocean (Samandhar Munthun). According to sacred texts at this time a forceful natural upsurge of energy is said to take place in the human system, which advances the process of soul purification and enlightenment. This energy in combination with the significant planetary positions help in the upward flow of the energy flow in the human beings. These energy forces help us to overcome the Karmas and raise one's consciousness beyond the veil of illusion resulting in the intensification of the spiritual process.

Lord Shiva also represents the life cycle of living beings. It is due to this very fact that walnuts are used in the Shivratri puja. Walnuts, known in Kashmiri as 'doon' is a seed, which in reality represents a complete life-cycle i.e. the beginning and end of life. It is also a miniature representation of our universe and is symbolic of our respect for the entire cosmos. The four kernels of the walnut are also believed to represent the four directions of the hemisphere and the four Vedas.

As Mahashivratri falls on the darkest night of the year, it symbolises the darkness of ignorance and Lord Shiva is said to manifest Himself during this night to enlighten the universe by removing the ignorance.

As per a prevalent belief in Kashmir, the Divine Couple of Lord Shiva, and Goddess Parvati visit the devotees' homes on the night of Mahashivratri and are said to stay as Divine Guests upto Amavasya, known as 'Doon Mavas' locally (fifteenth day of Phalgun Krishnapaksh). Preparations such as cleansing of the house and washing of the clothes for celebrating the Mahashivratri festival are done from 'Hur Oukdoh', the first day of Phalgun Krishnapaksh to 'Hur-Shaeyum' (Sixth day of Phalgun Krishnapaksh). 'Hur-Satam' is the day when special dishes as per the individual family ritual or 'reeth' are cooked.

On 'Hur-Athum', the devotees prior to their forced migration used to visit Hari-Parbat Srinagar for night long meditation and Bhajan Kirtan at Chakrishwar and Pokhribal temples. It is on 'Hur-Navum' that womenfolk visit their parental homes. On their return, they bring alongwith them the 'Kangri' (the traditional fire-pot), a pack of salt, 'rotis' (bread) and some money locally called 'Atagut' as 'Shivratri Shagoun'. Next comes 'Dashmi' called 'Dyare-Dahum', which has a special significance for the newly-wed Kashmiri Pandit brides. They return back to their in-laws bringing with them new clothes and 'Hayrath-bhog' in the form of cash and kind. It is on this day that vegetarian or non-vegetarian food are cooked as per the family ritual or 'reeth'. It is followed by 'Gada-Kah' (Phagun Gatapach Kah), wherein fish is cooked as per the family tradition. This day has got tantric significance as per the Hindu mythology. On the following day called 'Vagurbah', a small earthenware pot known as 'Vagur' is installed amidst elaborate rituals in the pooja-room, locally known as 'Vatak-Kuth'.

Late in the evening after performing  'Vagur Pooja', cooked rice, vegetarian or non-vegetarian dishes depending upon one's individual family 'reeth' or ritual are offered to the 'Vagur'. This day is followed by 'Hayrachi-Truvah' (Triyudashi), which is the auspicious and most sacred day of Mahashivratri. On this day, an elderly lady of the family fills-up the earthen-pitcher designated as 'Vatak-Nout' with fresh water and a good number of walnuts, usually 101 or 151. This ritual known as 'Vatuk-Barun' is performed before the sun-set. The 'Vatak-Nout' is a symbolic representation of Lord Shiva, whileas a smaller earthen-pitcher, locally called 'Choud' placed adjacent to the 'Vatak-Nout' represents the Goddess Parvati. The smaller earthenwares such as 'Sanivari' (two in number), 'Machvari' (2-4 in number) a hollow cone-shaped 'Sanipatul' representing lord Shiva and a 'Dhupzoor (an earthen dhoopstand) are suitably placed near the 'Vatak-Nout'. In addition to them, two bowl type earthen-wares 'locally known as 'Dhulij' are also placed in close proximity to the 'Choud'. The 'Dhulij', 'Sanivari' and 'Machvari' are believed to represent Bhairvas, 'Gandharvas'- (the celestial musicians) and the other deities of the 'Divine-Barat' (the celestial marriage of Lord Shiva and Parvati).

A small bowl called 'Reshi-Dulij' occupies a special place near the 'Vatak-Nout'. Only cooked rice and milk are offered to it. The 'Nout', 'Choud' and 'Dulij' etc. are referred as 'Vatuk' and are seated on special pedestals of dry grass made in the form of circular rings locally called as 'Aarie'.

The 'Vatuk' is decorated by tying mouli (narivan) i.e. string of dry grass embellished with marigold flowers and 'bael-pater', which is known as 'Vusur'. Tilak is also applied to 'Vatuk'. Incense, dhoop, camphor and ratandheep form the main ingredients of ritualistic material called 'Vatak Samgri'. Milk and curds and conical sugar preparation called 'Kand' are offered to the 'Vatak-Raz', represented by the 'Nout' amidst elaborate ritualistic pooja and chanting of the holy mantras, collectively known as 'Vatak-Pooja'.

As part of the ritual, special vegetarian or non-vegetarian dishes according to one's family ritual or 'reeth' are offered to the 'Dulij'. The day following 'Hayrath' called 'Shivachaturdashi' is locally known as 'Salam'. Salam is a day of greetings and festivity. On this day, all the family members and near relatives are given pocket-money called 'Hayrath-Kharch' by the head of the family.

During Shivratri days, playing of indoor-game with the sea-shells, locally called 'Haren-gindun' is a usual practice especially among the children. Late in the evening of 'Amavasya' known by the name of 'Doon-Mavas', pooja is performed either on the river bank (Yarbal) or at home as per the family tradition. The practice of performing pooja of walnuts taken-out from the 'Vatak-Nout' called as 'Vatuk Parmozun'.

'Doon-Mavas' is also known as 'Demni-Mavas' as some families (Gourit families) prepare meat preparations in combination with turnip as per their family ritual.

It is a usual practice in most of the house-holds, who perform pooja at the river-banks to allow the head of the family to enter the houseonly after he promises blessings and boons in the form of health, wealth, education, employment, peace and prosperity to each and every member of the family. The conversation in Kashmiri, which takes place between the head of the family (who is outside the closed door, and senior lady of the house goes like this, "thuk or dubh-dubh', kous chuv?, Ram Broor 'Kya Heth?, Anna Heth, Dhana-Heth Doarkoth,  Aurzoo Heth, Vidya, Kar-bar, Te Sokh Sampdha Heth.'

Shivratri 'naveed' in the form of water-soaked walnuts and 'rotis' is distributed among near and dear ones during the period of 'Doon-Mavas' to Tila-Ashtami, locally known as 'Tile-Aethum', which falls on Phalgun Shuklapaksh Ashtami.

On Tila-Ashtami, a number of earthen oil lit lamps are placed at different places starting from one's home to the river-bank (yarbal) and also one of the oil lamps is made to float on the river with its base seated on grass ring or 'arie'. The day of 'Tila-Ashtami' also signals the end of the severe cold of winter and advent of the pleasant season of spring, locally known as 'Sonth'. On this day, the change-over of season is celebrated by children by burning old fire-pots (Kangris), stuffed with dry grass and tied with long ropes are rotated around in the air, all the time uttering the words of 'Jateen-Tantah'. It marks the final good-bye to the holy festival of Mahashivratri or 'Hayrath'.

Maha Shivratri - Revisiting Kashmiri Ritual Variants


PART I

Festivals are vibrant representatives of traditional values, cultural and religious ethos and mythologised past. The various rituals and religious rites having localised distinctive uniqueness are vital components of festivals. They add substance, strength, warmth and spiritual colour to the weave of human life. The indigenous ritual variants of  Kashmiri Maha Shivratri carry multilayered mystic truths and meanings. They not only denote ancient roots but also our cultural and religious moorings. The various Shivratri rituals  having a time wrap of antiquity signify centuries old beliefs, traditions and wisdom. The festival is believed to symbolize the celestial wedding of Lord Shiva and Goddess Parvati and that of Goddess Sati in Her previous birth. As per a belief, the auspicious divine function was solemanised by the Lord Brahma Himself in present of all Deities, Rishis and Saints. Maha Shivratri is an eagerly awaited and enthusiastically looked forward festival as Lord Shiva, the great God of the Universe is the most favourite and lovable God, WHO is revered equally by all the Gods, human beings and the demons.

Lord Shiva represents a contrasting life of a householder and an ascetic.

Lord Shiva also connotes a happy and contented family life, Who is believed to reside in the snowcapped mountain of Kailash along with His ever auspicious spouse Goddess Parvati, sons Lord Ganesh, Lord Kartikey and a host of His faithful attendants like Nandi, Kubera, Yakshas, Gandharvas and other 'Ganas'. Rightly Kailash mountain is also known by an alternative name of 'Ganaparvata', the mountain of 'Ganas' as it is frequented by all the Deities, saints, sages, demi-Gods and the Divine incarnations. As per a popular lore, Lord Shiva also personifies the frightful and disturbing aspect of nature in the form of snow and harsh chilly winter. It is one of the reasons that Maha Shivratri is celebrated in the severe and rough winter. The festival celebrated in the night designated as 'Kalratri' also symbolises ignorance, obscurity, seclusion, tranquillity, quietness, impiety, depravity, incomprehension and degradable imperfections. Lord Shiva is the only Supreme God, who grants redemption from all these imperfections. The dark night of Maha Shivratri is also a metaphor for 'Tamogunic' aspect as Lord Shiva is believed to have revealed His divine appearance just before the Universe stepped into 'Kaliyuga', the fourth and last era of Hindu mythology.

Lord Shiva is also regarded as the foremost God of the whole Universe, which comprises earth, sky, air, fire, sun, moon and space. Lord Shiva is also known as the lord of music and dance, both of which are regarded as the divine arts. Lord Shiva is also the God of 'Prates', 'Pischas', Kirates, demons, goblins, ghosts, wandering spirits, the forest spirits of Yakshas' and the troublesome forces of the Universe. It is indicative of the benevolent nature of Lord Shiva, Who is believed to give refuge and shelter to all those, who feel rejected, disregarded, ignored and margianlised. The festival also signifies all that is sacred, pious and auspicious in this Universe. As such, as a run-up the preparations for the festival start nearly a month in advance as the whole house is spruced-up and readied for the welcome of the divine spouses and the divine guests. In tune with the aupiciousness of the Cosmic alliance, all the dress-up attires, utensils are washed and old earthen utensils are replaced by the new one's. The smearing of the house with a mix of mud, water and cowdung and use of earthenwares in the pooja are metaphors for the essential element of Earth, which speak volumes about earths generosity and benevolence.

The various Shivratri rituals, which are deeply embedded in our social life denote the celebration of mythologised heritage and indigenous individuality of our presence. The glory of these rituals is like a sweet memory for Sh. P.L. Razdan, an erstwhile resident of Purshiyar Srinagar and now stationed at Subash Nagar, Delhi. He recalled with pride that ritualistic 'Panch-ratri' pooja was an essential component of Shivratri festival in the earlier times. According to him, apart from the customary 'Vayur', two water-filled vessels known as 'Auster Kalash' and 'Mantar Kalash' were reverently seated on the left side corner of the Pooja-room. On the day prior to 'Haerath', in addition to 'Vagur' eleven number of earthenwares known by the name of 'Haerkai' occupied a reverential place in the Pooja-room, They were regarded as special invites for the sacred occasion. On the Shivratri day, in addition to 'Vatuk Bhairav', one more set of eleven earthenwares designated as 'Vatkai', six number of clay pots known as 'Khaterpals' and an additional set of eight more utensils collectively called as 'Asht Bhairav's' were an essential component of Pooja vessels. The eleven 'Vatkai' are said to represent the divine 'barat', while as the eight earthen utensils of 'Asht Bhairav', 'Symbolize the eight guarding deities of Srinagar city,  who as per a religious belief are under the direct supervision of Lord Shiva. The 'Asht Bhairav' are also regarded as the body-guards of Lord Shiva. The notable exclusion of the usual wide-mouthed vessel 'Dul', representation of Goddess Parvati is peculiar to Shivratri pooja of his clan. An enormous quantity of flowers along with 'Arg' (a ritualistic mix of dry rice grains and flowers, was used in the 'Panchratri' pooja performed upto midnight for the first five day's of the festival. Speaking further, Sh. Razdan revealed that on 'Amavasya' locally known as 'Doon-maves', in addition to the family members, all the close relatives including married daughters and sons-in-law would join the ritualistic pooja, which would continue upto midnight. The 'doon-mavas' pooja was performed amidst the recitation of 'lila rabdha' stories and offering of Sugar Candy (Kund) offered to the vessel of 'Vatuk Bhairav' and waving of 'ratan-deep' brought individually by them. The said pooja would culminate with the mixing of water contained in 'Astur Kailash' and 'Mantar Kalashi' vessels with a connecting Kusha grass woven string remaining on both the vessels during the ritualistic mixing. The Kusha grass string was known by the name of 'Ginan Khadak'.

Afterwards, drops of mixed-upwater were sprinkled on the house inmates with the help of 'Ginan Khadak' amidst the recitation of 'Bahu Roop Garab' sholkas. As a final part of 'Amavasya' ritual, pooja was performed on the river bank of 'Vitasta' at midnight with rice flour made rotis locally known as 'Chochivar' and fried sheep liver pieces forming the main pooja ingredients.

The festival of Shivratri is like a walkdown on the memory lane for Sh. Bushan Lal Bhat, original resident of the village Chanderhama, district Baramulla and presently living at Paloura Jammu. Recapping the holy festival, he recollected that seven different items consisting of rice, haize, moong, barley, cooked rice and cotton seeds, locally called 'Kapsi tout' were put in a water filled earthen vessel called 'Satae Laej' on Shivratri day.

A few families of the village would also offer uncooked fish to the 'Bhairav Dul'. A small portion of snow usually procurred from the shady area of the village called 'Asthan' also formed an important offering. On 'Tila-Ashtami' evening, walnut shells filled with edible oil were utilized in place of oil lit earthen lamps. As per a local belief snow offering and oil lit walnut shulls give a touch of auspiciousness to the occasion.

The oil lit walnut shells were usually kept at the front door of the house, front varandah, courtyard wall, ash-storing container (Soore Laej) and cow-dung heap, locally known as 'gush loedoh'. Recollecting the festival celebration of the yore, Sh M.L. Kemu, an erstwhile resident of Zaindar Mohalla Srinagar and presently at Kunjwani Jammu opined that rituals lend a sense of belonging and an area specific identity to a community. He recollected that offering of a live fish locally known as 'neej gadh' to the designated vessel of'Bhairav-Dul' was an integral part of Shivratri ritual. Reminiscing about the festival, Sh M.K. Khushoo, an original resident of Wazapora, Alikadal Srinagar recalled that a few families in his neighbourhood would offer a small part of sheep's hair coating locally known as 'moon' to 'Bhairav Dul'. In case of its' non-avalability, the said offering was substituted by unspure cotton. Recollecting further, he revealed that a small quantity of liquor was also a part of ritualistic offering to the vessel designated as 'Vatuk Nath'. A few drops of the liquor put on the palins and taken as 'naveed' by the house inmates was also an integral part of religious faith.

Memories of Shivratri celebration at Srinagar are like a sweet recollection for Sh. Papuji Khazanchi of Sathu Barbarshah Srinagar and now a resident of Bakshi Nagar Jammu. He recalled that sheeps' lungs alongwith heart put on an oval earthenware called 'toke' as a token of sacrificial offering during 'Shivratri Pooja' was led to the kites on the following day of 'Salam'. According to him, apart from the lavish delectable meat cuisines, the preparation of roasted minced meat was a special meat offering to the specific pooja vessel of ‘Bhairav Dul’ on Shivratri festival. Sh. Papuji Khazanchi also recounted that fragrant smell of incense resulting from the burning of gugal, locally known as 'Kanthgun' and black seasome seeds was ensured for the entire length of Shivratri Pooja as it's fragrance and aroma are believed not only to please Lord Shiva but also to ward off evil and negative influences. Sh H.L. Bhat, hailing from Sangam, Kokernag Anantnag and now resident of Durga Nagar, Jammu regards rituals as watchwords of a festival as they reinforce our implicit faith for the time-tested traditional customs.

Recounting the Shivratri Pooja of yesteryears he reminisced that about seven families of his village would make a sacrificial offering of coagulated blood of slaughtered sheep to the designated pooja vessel of 'Bhairav Dul'. It was procured either from the butcher or from the village abattoir (Zabahkhana). He also stated that a preparation of cooked lungs offered to 'Bhairav Dul' was also a part of tantric rituals.

 

PART II

Undeniably the festival of Maha Shivratri has a local essence, indigenous character,  ethnic attribute and native flavour. It has acquired diverse hues and colours in the form of various symbolical and allegorical strains over the years. The symbolic dimensions of our rituals and customs have given a near heritage status to our socio-cultural history. The various rituals which run through our social fabric give a continuity to our exemplary culture, opined Sh. A.N. Koul, an original inhabitant of Narpirastan, Fatehkadal Srinagar and now a resident of Vijay Nagar, Talab Tillo Jammu. Reminiscing about the festival of old times, Sh Koul revealed that ritualistic dish of 'rajmah' cooked with turnips was a must on 'hur oakdoh', while as the mixed dish of meat and nadru (lotus stem), fish cooked with reddish and indigenous vegetable of 'hakh saag' were the mouth watering culinary delights, which were offered to the 'Bhairav Doul'.

Elaborating further, he recounted that in addition to ensuring of continuous burning of oil lit earthen lamp (choang) through out the festival night in the'vatak-kuth', an elderly male member of the family would also sleep there on the Shivratri night to ensure symbolic family hospitality to the 'divinebaraatis' . Sh A.N.Koul also added that on the occasion of 'Vatak Parmuzan'done on 'Doon Mavas' i.e. Phaghun Krishna Paksh Amavasya, the cutting of river water seven times with a knife while performing the pooja on Vitasta (Jehlum) river bank ghat was an integral part of 'Doon Mavas' pooja. He has not abandoned this ritual even at Jammu as it's continuity is ensured by symbolic cutting of the tap water flow seven times with a knife during the'Doon Mavas' pooja now performed at home instead of the river bank. The time honoured Shivratri rituals carry the resonance of the mystic tradition handed down to the posterity by our ancestors, articulated Smt. Renu Koul (Misri) of Zainadar mohalla Srinagar and now a resident of Talab Tillo,Jammu.

She recollected that Shivratri festival was collectively celebrated by all the five Misri families of Zaindar mohalla Srinagar and mixed preparations of meat and nadru, fish cooked with reddish (muje) were the ritualistic ethnic cuisine offerings during the pooja. Smt. Renu Koul also informed that in addition to the ritualistic ordination of two earthen pitchers (Nout) designated as 'Ramgoud', nine big size narrow mouthed earthen pitchers, nine wide mouthed smaller dimension pitchers called in vernacular parlance as 'doulji' , two clay utensils called 'vagurs' in addition to the usual 'Resh Doul', two'Saniwaris' and one 'Sonipatul' formed an essential part of 'Vatuk' of Misri clan pooja.

Our commitment to the observance of ancient rituals should be firm and steadfast, observed Sh Raj Nath Koul, an erstwhile resident of Rawalpora Srinagar and now living at Vijay Nagar, Talab Tillo Jammu as according to him the rituals chronicle our centuries old cultural and religious history.

Supplementing his assertion, he recollected that he made it a point to procure the fish needed as a ritualistic dish from the distant Telbal area, when fish were in short supply due to freezing of Dal Lake and other water bodies in the year 1984. Rituals are beliefs in the symbols, which give a sort of spiritual and religious fortification to a festival, stated Sh.Makhan Lal Bhan, earlier a resident of Khardori Habbakadal, Srinagar and now settled at Jaipur. Sharing his fond memories about Shivratri, he recollected that after Phagun Krishan Paksh Panchmi, the house inmates would refrain from taking tea or meals outside and outsiders excepting 'Gurtoo' families were disallowed from entering the home. Adding to it, Sh. Bhan also recounted that it was customary to fill-up the 'Vatuk' earthen wares with the water from the river Vitasta  and the exercise was usually undertaken by the ladies. Rituals are inextricably linked to our ethno-religious identity and should be celebrated with unbroken tradition as they remind us of our native geography and original locale, affirmed Sh. P.N. Bhat of Zainapora Shopian. Recapping the Shivratri tradition of earlier times, he fondly reminisced that a small fish variety locally called 'gurun' fried without oil on a frying pan was a traditional offering to the designated clay utensil of 'Bhairav Doul'. He also informed that snow and icicles locally known as 'Shishirghant' also formed a part of ritualistic offering to both Nout' and 'Doul', the earthen pitchers as the supreme God Shiva is regarded as the Lord of snow.

The festival rituals having religious essence and spiritual connotations should not get diluted in the time wrap of the present, declared Sh. Jagan Nath Koul Sagar of Manzgam, Kulgam (Kashmir) and now putting-up at Lakshmi Nagar Muthi Jammu. According to him 'Vatak Raaza' is a local honorific given to the great God Shiv Nath as Kashmir is Lord Shiva's and Goddess Parvati nee Satis' own land and mystic paradise. He also added that every past memory of the festival and the native landscape gives a sense of area specific belonging to the community.

Speaking on a nostalgic note, Sh. J.N. Koul Sagar recollected that thirty three earthen utensils comprising of three 'Bhairav Douls', seven Resh pyala's, three wide mouthed pitchers of 'Doulji',  apart from the customary utensils of'Nout' and 'Choud', two Saniwari, one 'Sanipatul' and a 'duphjoor' were a part and parcel of Shivratri pooja utensils, collectively known as Vatuk'. Adding to it, he further remarked that Shivratri for Kashmiri Hindus is a festival of rejoicing as it marks the celebration of the divine marriage of Lord Shiva and Goddess Parvati nee Sati. As such all the necessary functions and rites before and in the aftermath of marriage function are performed by us as Goddess Parvati is regarded as the daughter of Kashmir and Lord Shiva as the divine son-in-law. It is due to this reason that all the auspicious marriage rites and symbols are strictly adhored to during the  observance of the festival. Accordingly in tune with the requirement of the ceremony, the earthen utensil of 'Doul', a symbolic representation of Goddess Parvati is kept on the left side of the designated utensil of 'Nout', taken as a representation of Lord Shiva as during a marriage ceremony also, a bride is always seated on the left side of the bridegroom. Sh Koul also recounted that as per his clan tradition the ritualistic immersion known as 'Vatuk Purmoojan' was done onPhagun Shukla Paksh Pratipadhav i.e. 'Oakdohinstead of the usual Phagun Krishna Pakash Amavasya as planetary configuration on 'Amavasya' is as pre a belief regarded as ominous. It is testified by a Kashmiri maxim 'Maghi Gach, Mavsi Na' i.e. never on Amavasya but reluctantly on Maghi.

Rituals are repositories of ancient wisdom and traditional beliefs and have imprints of bygone eras, opined Sh Prem Nath Bhat Shad, an original resident of Qazibagh, Budgam Kashmir and now putting up at Barnai, Jammu. He went nostalgic while recalling the festival of yester years and recapped that use of brass utensils in the Shivratri pooja was disapproved and instead the utilisation of clay utensils was a common practice. The procurement of a live fish (guran) even from the frozen village stream and kept alive in a water container for the eventual offering to the 'Bhairav Doul' on Shivratri was a customary ritual for his family. In addition to it, the cooked fish with separate pieces of head, middle and tail portions was also a ritualistic offering to the 'Bhairav Doul'. Sh. Shad also revealed that it was obligatory for the head of the family to sleep in the Vatuk Kuth' on Shivratri night and also to keep an oil lit earthen lamp burning day and night upto 'Amavasya' in the 'Vatuk Kuth'.

According to him, apart from the relatives, neighbours, friends, the village carpenter, ironsmith, potter and barber would invariably drop in to extend festival greetings on the day following Shivratri, locally known as 'Salam'. It was also binding for the family head to see his face in the mirror brought by the village barber as mirror is said to double the festive mood of the auspicious occasion. Rituals are summation of past experiences and ancient knowledge, which have percolated down to our lives from prehistoic times, commented Sh Avtar Krishan Ganjoo of Ganderbal town, Kashmir and now putting up at Govt. Quarters, Jewel Jammu.

According to him, a few families having the surnames of Tufchis', Thaploos' and Naqaibs' of Srinagar city and the village Vanpoh of district Anantnag had an unique and peculiar Shivratri ritual. An elderly male member of the family would remain awake the whole night on Shivratri in the 'Vatuk Kuth'.  During his night long vigil, he would strike the bronze thali with a stick tied with peacock plumes and coloured cloth strips upto the wee hours of the day following it. He also revealed that a few families of Srinagar had an unusual tradition of giving a customary ritualistic bath with liquor to 'Sanipatul', the representative linga form of Lord Shiva during Shivratri Pooja. Our cultural history rests on an ancient edifice and rituals constitute the sentinels that fortify our ties with the splendour of the past, emphasised Sh.Vijay Wali of Narpirastan, Fateh Kadal Srinagar and now a resident of Subash Nagar Jammu. He also revealed that reverential instalation of a clay utensil known as 'Vagur' in the Vatuk Kuth' on the day prior to Shivratri amounts to the creation of festive atmosphere before the symbolic arrival and reception of the divine baraat' on Shivratri. Like a delectable marriage feast, ethnic mutton delights of 'rogan josh', 'Kalya', minced meat dish of 'masch' and fish and nadru preparations are cooked to be offered amidst elaborate pooja to the 'Bhairav Doul' and other clay pitchers regarded as the 'divine baraatis'. In contrast to it, meat offering to the designated utensil of 'Resh dul' is strictly forbidden and in it's place offering of milk, sugar candy locally called 'Kand' and Kishmish are made to it. Many families had the tradition of puttingsaderkaanj' (a fermented cooked left over vegetable and rice starch preparation), sour liver dish known as 'chok charvan', liver pieces roasted on charcoal and a local preparation of goat legs soup known by the name of'Pachi Rus' or 'Pakmond Rus' in the 'Bhairav Dul' in accordance with the individual family reeth'. A few families as per the family ritual desist from cooking meat on Phagun Krishan Paksh Amavasya but instead prepare methi mixed with nadru, nadir yakhni, moong daal mixed with turnip yellow cheese dish and fried sliced nadru called 'nadir churma'. A considerable number of families both in rural and urban areas carve-out different figurative images out of kneaded rice flour, which are known by the local names of 'Shaiv'(mutilated pronunciation of Shiv), 'Shavin' (Lord Shivas' Shakti), 'Kraej(potters), 'Hond' (goat) and 'Hangul' (Kashmiri variety of stag). They are subsequently cooked without oil on the frying pan. Amidst incantation of religious mantras tilak is applied and red coloured religious wrist band called'Naervan' is tied to the fried figurative rice flour carvings of Shiv' and 'Shavin' during Shivratri pooja. Afterwards, they are reverently placed in a thali and on 'Amavasya' evening they are also taken-out to the river bank ghat for the traditional 'Doon Mavas' pooja. The rituals woven with varying strands of centuries old faith evoke blissful memories of the past, nostalgically recalled Sh. Moti Lal Mattoo, an erstwhile resident of the village (Deegam) Kapalmochan, Shopian Kashmir and presently putting up at Barnai, Jammu. According to him, the festival for Kashmiri Hindus is akin to a marriage function and accordingly many rituals which enliven the elated mood of the joyous occasion form a part of the festival. The devotees of his area would use the fragrant wild foliage locally known by the name of'Ganpatar' in place of the usual 'Baelpatar' (Bilva leaves), which grew luxuriantly in Kushaldar forest area of his village. According to him,  the ritual of 'Doon Mavas' performed on the river bank represents the ceremonial send-off of the divine bride, divine bridegroom and the 'divine baraatis'. Further, water a metaphor for the power of nature and remover of all sins is an essential requirement for social, cultural, religious and spiritual growth and sustenance. Recapitulating further, Sh Mattoo recalled that during 'Doon Mavas' pooja, the filled-up water contained in 'Nout' and 'Choud' are mixed together before emptying them in the flowing river water symbolizing the divine union of Lord Shiva and His spouse Goddess Parvati Afterwards, a portion of water collected from the river is sprinkled on the front door of the house as a token of auspiciousness.

*(The writer is a keen socio-cultural researcher)

 

PART III

Festival Customs in Gurtoo Families

The rituals are traditional beliefs representing iconic symbols, which have layers of stories, legends and ancient wisdom embedded in them. They also give valuable insights into social, cultural and econmic expressions of human presence inthe bygone times. Many Kashmiri Pandit families follow a strict code of conduct supplemented with overriding faith and enormous devotion in observing Shivratri rituals. These families are recognised by the surnames of Gurtoo, Malla, Kak, Jailkhani and Naqaib’s. In addition to them, a few families belonging to the surnames of Raina, Razdan, Bhan and Tikoo’s also follow a rigid vegetarian and undiluted customs handed over to them both orally and by practice. For them any derelection in observance of the traditional rituals is not only a religous offence but also an unparadonable sinful act.

Due to the unquestionable faith reposed in the established rituals, all such families are broadly known by the name of Gurtoo’s The ritualistic purity sustained with unbroken devotion and faithful allegiance spanning over centuries of time is a characteristic and pronounced feature of them. The fierce religious discipline and amazing purity exhibited by them in guarding this indigenous strain of religious variant exemplifies their unaltered tradition. They deserve all the accolades and acclaim for having preserved their centuries old clan specific rituals and in the process also having kept their essence intact.

Driven by immense faith, the Gurtoo families desist to blur the traditional line as even a minute abberation or wrong doing in the ritual observance is believed to have fearsome outcome. The Shivratri rituals of Gurtoo clans not only strike a connectivity with the preceding times when Vaishnavite influence occupied a pivotal space in our belief system but also represent a spill  over of the past in the form of their present day rituals.

Interestingly, the word ‘Gurit’ is also associated with the best quality clay inKashmir which is known for the finest purificatory properties. Locally known as ‘Gurit Maech’, it is procured from Sampora area of Pampore tehsil of Pulwama district of Kashmir. Incidentally, it is not without reason that ‘Gurit Maech’ or clay mixed with water and cowdung is utilised for smearing the rooms, whenever the houses in Kashmir are to be spurced up for the auspicious events as it is supposed to remove all the traces of contaminations and ensure wholesome purity. Likewise , all those families, who steadfastly adhere to the purity of the rituals are commonly referred as 'Gurtoo's in Kashmir.

The Gurtoo rituals are sacred commitments, which make us feel close to the Divine, opined Smt. Chunji Gurtoo, an erstwhile native of Kharyar, Habbakadal Srinagar and now putting up at Anand Nagar, Bohri Jammu. She informed that in Gurtoo families, the intake of non-vegetarian food including'Tamsic' one is totally given up from Phagun Krishan Paksh Dashmi and vegetariansim is stictly followed. From that day in accordance with  the 'Gurtoo specific clan strictures, excepting for 'Sattvic' vegetables, fruits and milk, the purchase of cheese and bread and getting them inside the house is forbidden. Adding to it, Smt. Chuniji disclosed that in earlier times, on this days all the used earthen cooking untensils were broken and replaced by the new religious one's. The adherence to the code of purity and piousness was so obsessive in the earlier times that Gurtoo families would not spare even the clay container used for storing charcoal ash locally known as 'Soore Laejh'.

Apart from it, even the iron vessel used for holding edible oil, locally known as 'Tila Vaer' was put inthe roaring fire of the indigenous mud hearth (dhaan) to ensure the removal of all traces of impurity.

She also revealed proudly that day's ahead of the festival, painstakingly efforts and extraordinary care were undertaken to ensure scrupulous and spotless cleanliness of the house by smearing it with a mix of 'Sampur' clay, water and cowdung. The purificatory act of cleansing locally known as 'livun'was accmplished with enormous faith even in the wintry chill. Continuing in the same vein, she recalled that on 'Dyara dahum'. i.e. dashmi, the potter and in some families potteress would deliver the earthen pooja vessels, called 'VatakBane', and freshly baked cooking untensils to be used for the entire year. In line with the auspiciousness of the occasion the utensils were taken inside the house after the ritualistic waving of water filled vessel around the potter and the utensils. The ritual known by the local name of'Aalath' is an act of supplication to the Divine. Likewise, the procurement of the flowers, grass woven spherical seating bases called 'Aarie', grass woven string embedded with flowers and Bilvai leaves, locally known as 'Vusur'were also ensured usually on the same day through a courier known by the local name of 'Push'. Interestingly, 'Pushan' is a deity in the Vedas, having the etymological root 'Push', meaning the nourisher. As per a religious belief 'Pushan is the protector of cattle and of human possessions and is said to bless the bride in marriage functions.

She also recounted that on Phagun Krishna Paksh Ekadashi, eleven saucer shaped earthenwares known by the name of 'Parvav' are seated on grass woven spherical bases 'Aarie' and their ritualistic pooja is performed usually in the morning.

The vegetarian dishes of 'haak', unpounded moong daal in combination either with nadru (lotus stem) or raddish are cooked and a small portion of them mixed with a bit of rice are put in these 'Parvas' as a mark of offering amidst religious invocations. On the next day i.e. Phagun Krishna Paksh Duvadasham, locally known as 'Vagur Bhah', an earthen vessel (nout or'choud') according to individuals family 'reeth' filled up with water and walnuts is reverentially installed amidst pooja.

The rituals is known as 'Vagur Barun' and the most favoured dish is moong daal in combination with raddish. As per a locals belief 'Vagur' symbolises the preparatory welcome extended to the family priest of the bridegroom, who visits the bride's home as a prelude to the actual marriage function. Smt. Chuniji Gurtoo further revealed that on Shivratri a narrow mouthed earthen pitcher called 'Gagar', a symbolic representation of Lord Shiva, a wide mouthed utensil called 'doul' or a small clay pitcher known as 'Choud', symbolizing Goddess Parvati, are reverantailly docked with 'mouli', flowers, Bilva leaves and 'Vusir'. They are afterwards seated on the grass pedestals 'Aarie' in the Pooja room, locally kown as 'Vatak Kuth'. Additionally a small sized pitcher called 'Ram Goud', small earthenwares called 'Sanivarie', ling shaped 'Sonipatul' and Dhoop holder called 'Dhupazoor' are also positioned in the 'Vatak Kuth'. All the Pooja utensils are collectively known as 'Vatuk'the Pooja material as 'Vatak Samagri' and Pooja ingradients as 'Vatak Masola.'.

It was also disclosed that best culinary skills are employed to cook a lavish-spread of vegetarian dishes of 'moong daal' in combination with nadru,'nadru yakhni', sour raddish slices, locally known as 'mujie kaela', deep fried crisp nadru slices called 'nadur churma', 'dum aalu' and sour methi on Shivratri. As per a centuries old reeth, a sort of distinctive ethnic drink having exotic taste and known by the local name of 'Madhu Panakh' is an integral part of Shivratri pooja of most of the Gurtoo families. The various ingredients especially almonds, cardamom, dates Kishmish coconut, bhang (cannabis), jujbee and sugar crystals (nabadh) are thoroughly pounded andmixed with milk to get this specialised brew. It is a symbolic hallucinogenic drink believed to bring heightened consciousness and ecstasy in the worshippers. 'Madhu Panakh' is supposed to eliminate wordly distractions and ignoable thoughts and facilitate communion with the divine. Interestingly, god of the gods, Lord Shiva is said to be fond of narcotic preparation of bhang and milk called 'Siddhi'.

It is due to this reason that one of the names of Lord Shiva is 'Sidheshvara'. On Shivratri, 'Madhu Panakh' is also offered to the earthen utensil of 'Nout'the symbolic representation of Lord Shiva.

Extending her conversation, Smt Chuniji disclosed that Gurtoo families being'Shivkarmis' display boundless devotion and reverence for Lord Shiva. It is in total contrast with most of the non-Gurtoo Kashmiri families, who have endless adoration for 'Bhairva' the fearsome manifesation of Lord Shiva. This varying devotional allegiance has correspondingly influenced the rituals and customs performed by them on Shivratri. In some Gurtoo families, the ritual of 'Parmujan' is done on the day next to Shivratri, i.e. 'Salaam' but in the process, they ensure the clearance of the symbolic sacrificial obltation material done for the departed souls, known by the name of 'Ankan'. It is completed on Shivratri evening itself.

Strangely, in most of the Gurtoo families, the vegetarian 'reeth' or tradition is done away with on Phagun Krishna Paksh Amavasya evening with the cooking of meat preparations of yellow meat, locally called 'Kaliya' or meat mixed with turnips or in combination with goat's stomach, locally called as 'demni gogzi'. It is due to this reason that 'Amavasya in Gurtoo families is known as 'Demni Mavas'. It is in contrast to non-Gurtoo and non-vegetarian families, where 'Amavasya' is designated as 'Doon Mavas'.

A sizeable section of Gurtoo families cook meat dishes on the day next to 'Amavasya' i.e. Phagun Shukla Paksh Pratipidha as they shy away from taking meat on 'Amavasya' due to religious sentiments. Smt Chuniji Gurtoo stated that 'Amavasya' related pooja was performed on the Vitasta river bank. The ritual involved taking the 'Vatak Nout' and 'Choud' or 'dulij' in a wicker basket to the river bank, where their contents were emptied in the flowing water before performing pooja of walnut kernels, which served as'prasadh' or 'naveed' for the devotees.

The 'Visarjan' ritual is followed by symbolic cutting of the flowing river water seven times cross-wise with a knife. Understandably, the symbolic cutting of water reiterates our vows and commitments seven times to perform Shivratri related rituals with reverence, determination and steadfast devotion as the figure seven has a sacred and holy connotation in Hindu religious tradition. The Rigveda speaks of seven underworlds of 'Patala' of the earth known by the names of Atal, Vital, Sutal, Rasatal, Talatal, Mahatal and Patal. They are said to be inhabited by Nagas, Daityas, Danavas and Yakshas etcVitala is believed to be ruled by Hatakeshvara, a close confident of Lord Shiva, while as Vasuki, the king of Nagas or snakes is said to reign supreme in Patala. The holy scriptures also speak of seven upperworlds, which are designated as Bhuvloka (earth), Bhuvarloka (area lying between earth and sun, where Munis and Sidha's are said to reside), Swarloka (region between Sun and Polarstar, Maharloka (abode of Bhrign Rishi and other saints).

Janaloka (abode of mind-born sons) i.e. 'manas-putras' of Lord Bramhav,Taparloka and lastly Satyaloka, also known as 'Bramha Loka', where Lord Bramha is believed to reside. The digit seven also denotes seven holy and pilgrimage cities of Ayodhya, Mathura, Gaya, Banaras or Kashi, Kanchi of Canjeveram, Avanti or Ujjain and Dwarka. Seven also symbolises sevenSaptrishis or Prajapatis, who are also known as 'manas-putras' or mind born sons of Lord Bramha. As per Satapatha Brahmna, they are Gotama, Bharadwaj, Vishwamitra, Jamadagn, Vasishtha, Kashyapa and Atri. According to Mahabharata, they are Marichi, Atri, Angiras, Pulaha, Kratu, Pulastya and Vasistha, Seven also stands for seven names of Rudras, the fearsome and frightening manifestations of Lord Shiva, which are Bhava, Sarva, Ishana, Pashupati, Bhima Ugra and Mahadeva. It also represents seven sacred holy rivers of Ganga, Saraswati, Sindhu, Gomati, Gandhak, Saryu and Beas or Vipasha. The number seven is also associated with'Saptpadhi' ceremony of going around the 'agni' seven times at the time of marriage ceremony, symbolising togetherness of the spouses for emotional strength, wealth, food, progeny, long life, prosperity and eternal association. The said number also represents the seven streams into which the river Ganga is believed to split after descending down from the matted hair of Lord Shiva. The digit seven also symbolizes seven sacred mountains, seven sacred trees of BilvavPeepalAshvathaBanayan and Mangoo etc. and seven segments of earth called Jambu, Kura, Palaksh, Shalmali, Kranch andPushkar.

*(The writer is a keen socio-cultural researcher)

 

PART IV

Festival Customs in Gurtoo Families - II

The Puranas also refer to seven matrikas or Shaktis of Lord Bramha, known as Maheshwari, Kumari, Vaishnavi, Varahi, Andhri and Chamunda, who are invariably propitiated and invoked before the start of a pooja. The number seven also represents seven forms of agni or fire known as Kali, Karali, Manojva, Sulahita, Sudhumarvarna, Ugra and Pradeepta. It also represents seven stages of rebirth through which a human being passes before the soul attains moksha. As per a belief, there are also seven levels of consciousness each of which is linked with the seven chakras of the human body.

Probably, it is due to this reason that the river water is cut seven times during the 'Amavasya' pooja to symbolize the seven vows taken to honour and perform the Shivratri rituals steadfastly. After the completion of the ceremonial 'Amavasya Pooja'. on the river bank, a little water is put in the empty 'Nout' to be sprinkled on the entry door of the house as a mark of auspiciousness.

This ritual is known as 'Kalash Lav'. It is followed by closure of the main door of the house, which is opened only after 'knock at the door' ritual locally known as 'dhub dhub' ends. It is a sort of a conversational exchange of words betweenan elderly lady of the family behind their door and an elderly male member outside it eager to seek entry in the home. The said dialogue is in a token of affirmative and endorsement nod, in which prosperity, tranquility, fortune, well-being and all material comforts are sought and symbolically assured. It is akin to 'Zaem-brandh' ritual of wedding function of Kashmiri Pandits, where sister-in-law of the bride closes the door and opens it subsequently after the bridegroom promises to give the sought gifts to his sister.

In both the rites, the door is a symbol for the very psyche of the house inmates as it transports us into the inner world of family life, psychological security and comfort. Moreover, home also represents a sacred social institution, where human relationships are fortified and cemented on which is based the familial and societal life. On 'Amavasya' i.e. Doon Mavas, as per a native belief, the divine bride Goddess Parvati is believed to depart with Her divine bridegroom Lord Shiva to the bridegroom's home. The pooja is performed on the river bank as the flow of river is ametaphor for life and its' life bestowing generosity. The river water also symbolizes its purifiactory powers as removal of impurities and sins both at the physical and spiritual levels.

Besides, river also represents the symbolic connectivity as an essential link of transportation. The river water also represents the continuity of human life and the life giving order, which is in harmony with the natural rhythm of the universe.

In addition to it, the river banks are also regarded as the dwelling places of gods, saints and sages. Probably, due to these facts the 'Amavasya' pooja is performed on the river banks. Morever, as per a local belief, Phagun Krishan Paksh Ashtami, known in the native language as 'Hur Aethum' is said to symbolise one of the wedding ceremony rites of parting of the hair of Goddess Parvati (mus-mouchravun). Likewise on Phagun Krishan Paksh Pratipadha, known as 'Hur Oakdoh' one more marriage related ritual of house cleansing known by the name of 'Ghare-Navun' is said to commence. The concluding ceremony of Shivratri falls on Phagun Shukla Paksha Ashtami, locally known as 'Tila Aethum'.

It represents the final symbolic send off to all the remaining divine guests of the cosmic 'baraat', who might have stayed back at the bride's home. It is an evening ritual in which oil lit earthen lamps positioned on grass woven spherical bases 'Aarie' are placed at entry door of the house, top of the courtyard wall, enroute path to the river and base of the tree, whileas a few lamps are floated onthe flowing river. The light of oil lit lamps is a metaphor for life. It is also symbolic of the light offered to the departed souls of the ancestors.

The history of our social and cultural development is interepted through time-tested rituals and it is through them that past becomes alive, observes Sh. Vjiay Malla, an original residents of Malik Angan, Fateh Kadal Srinagar and now putting-up at Sarwal Jammu. The 'Gurtoo' tradition is followed by his family with an amazing purity and even a whiff of wrong doing is regarded as a blasphemous act. He disclosed that prior to Phagun Krishan Paksh Pratipadha or Oakdoh, all the cooking utensils are thoroughly cleaned, clothes washed and the earthenware pots are replaced by new ones. He also revealed that from 'Oakdoh' onwards, eatnig or taking tea outside the home is disallowed and even puffing on a stranger's hookah is not permitted.

Sh. VIjay Malla also revealed that permissible vegetarian dishes in his home are 'monji haakh', moong daal and patatoes, while as cooking of 'Soanchal', turnips, rajmah and sun dried vegetables locally known as 'hoakh sabzi' are forbidden.

As per a belief rajmah, turnips and soanchal are regarded as 'dukoal' i.e. equivalent to non-vegetarian food, while as the dry vegetable preparations are not in tune with the auspiciousness of the occasion. Elaborating further he recounted that in earlier times at the time of ritualistic filling-up of the earthen untensil 'Nout' with water and walnuts, the ladies of his home would drape themselves in new outfits and wear new 'Attahoar' in the ears as a mark of good omen. Furthermore, a rice filled up thali having a small quantity of salt was also made to touch the right shoulder of the lady engaged in 'Vatuk Barun' ritual. In the local parlance, this ritual is known as 'Zangi Yun'. Both the rites bear a striking resemblance with the practice followed during the marriage and birth day functions.

The walnuts put in the 'Nout' are usually in the odd numbers of 101 or 151. Reviving his old memories, Sh. Malla disclosed that during Shivratri Pooja, even stored drinking water and cooked dishes could not be tasted till the pooja was over and as a remedy a makeshift kitchen was utilised for the purpose. A lavish spread of recipes cooked for Shivratri pooja as per his family 'reeth' include methi, mixed with nadru, unpounded moong daal, raddish mixed with nadru, sour methi, sour nadru, yellow cheese and fried crisp nadru slices. The rigid vegetarian tradition is broken on Amavasya evening when a mixed dish of turnips and goat's stomach locally known as 'demni gogzi' is cooked and ritualistically offered. The yellow cheese is also an additional dish on that evening. According to Sh. Vijay Malla, his family also offers pooja to the figurative clay images of Lord Shiva, Goddess Parvati and Lord Ganesh on Shivratri evening and the ritul is locally known as 'Parthishor'.

Sh. Raviji Raina, an erstwhile resident of the village Salia, district Anantnag Kashmir and now putting-up at the ORT complex Purkhoo Jammu is one more faithful 'Gurtoo' for whom deviation from the ordained code is a grave religious offence. Reminiscing the festival of yesterdays, he stated that from 'ekadashmi' onwards, the entry of an outsider in the house was not allowed. He also revealed that even a cursory glance of an outsider towards the Pooja room ws a revolting and sinful act on the presumption that the person may have consumed meat. In the repertoire of dishes, his family as per the clan tradition cook yellow cheese, nadir yakhni, cauliflower, sour raddish called 'mujae kaela', fried pounded raddish tiki called 'jujae voer' and side dish of 'hakh'. Sh Raviji Raina also recounted that a specially fabricated wooden knife was utilised for slicing raddish for the dish of 'mujae kaela' during his gradnfather's time.

His family also has the custom of preparing 'puris' made out of the flour kneaded with milk and fried in desi ghee prior to Shivratri. They are called 'Bubur' and are taken as 'prasad' after their pooja is performed on Shivratri. As per his family belief, purchase of new bronze utensils during the festival days portends goodness and prosperity for the entire year.

Speaking on a nostalgic note, he recalled that 'Amavasya' pooja was performed at the village stream or spring bank. During the outpouring of the 'Vatak nout' contents, the spring or stream water was cut with a knife five times. It is in sharp contrast to the ritual of cutting water seven times followed in other Gurtoo and non-Gurtoo families. The cutting of water five times is perceived to symbolize the pledge taken five times to faitfhully perform the festival related rituals as human body is composed of five elements of fire, air, earth, ether and water. The digit five also represents five main deites of Bramah, Vishnu, Mahesh Aditya and Ganesh.

The number five is also symbolic of the five holy days of Ashtami, Chagturdashi, Purnimasi, Amavasya and Sankrtai. The ritualistic pooja of 'Parthishor' on Shivratri is also a part of his clan tradition.

The Shivratri rituals represent a symbolic blending of a religious festival and family celebration, which chronicle the cultural history and societal evolution of a community, remarked Smt. Urmilla Raina, earlier a resident of Gogji Bagh, Srinagar and now putting up at Pamposh Colony, Greater Kailash, New Delhi. Sharing her nostaligic memories, she reminisced that in accordance with her family tradition, leavened rotis' called 'phulkas' andwheat flour fried in ghee locally known as 'churma' was taken with tea from Phagun Krishan Paksh Dashmi onwads. A day prior to Shivratri, a special pooja utensil designated as 'Vagur' is installed amidst elaborate religious Pooja in the 'Vatak Kuth'. The customary dishes cooked on the occasionare methi, moong daal and nadru.

*(The writer is a keen socio-cultural researcher)

 

PART V

The divergent and varied Shivratri rituals are priceless and richest legacies of Kashmiri Pandits, which speak volumes about the antiquity of our culture. They are the core not only of our socio-cultural heritage but also of our religious tradition as they deepen the connection between individuals and the Divine, opined Sh. Arjan Dev Majboor, the noted Kashmiri poet, writer and researcher, an erstwhile resident of Zainapora, district Shopian and presently putting up at Udaiwalla, Bohri Jammu.

Refreshing the festival related old memories, Majboor Sahib divulged with obvious pride that all the Shivratri rituals were performed with unbridling faith and reverence even during the bone chilling cold winter.

Speaking on a nostalgic note, he disclosed that day's ahead of the festival, a flurry of house cleansing activity was visible, which was a motif for the house being ready for the festival. He recalled that on Phagun Krishna PakshEkadeshi or Duadashi, the village potter would bring the pooja untensils, collectively known as 'Vatuk' usually in the morning. The 'Vatuk' was usually brought in the 'carry back' willow basket, locally called 'yaet'.

The 'Vatuk' comprised of two long necked big sized earthen pots, locally called 'Nout', one small sized pot called 'lokut nout', a wide mouthed large vessel called 'Doul', a small pot designated as 'Resh Pyala', one 'Sanipotul' (a clay representation of Lord Shiva), two or three clay saucers, called 'Touk', adhoop-holder called 'Doupzoor', two small earthenwares, known as 'Sahniewari' and lastly nine wide mouthed small sized vessels called 'Vaer'. Out of the two big sized earthen pots or 'Nout', one was symbolic representation of Lord Shiva, whileas the second one was used for storing drinking water for the while year as a mark of good omen and auspiciousness. The small sized pot 'Lokut Nout' was a representation of the Goddess Parvati during the pooja.

The potter and the 'pooja utensils' were welcomed in the house by a ritualistic waving around of a water filled vessel usually by an elderly lady. The ritual is locally known as 'Aalath Kadin'. In addition to cash, the potter was paid in kind in the form of unhusked rice, seasonal vegetables, loose tea and sugar. On the morning of 'Haerath', the head of the family would prepare dry grass woven long strips, in which were embedded dry merigold flowers and 'Baelpatter leaves. They are locally known as 'Vucer'.

However, as per his family reeth, utmost care was taken to rub the dry grass from left to right direction during the making of 'Vucer'. Elaborating further, Sh. Arjan Dev Majboor recapped that an uncooked small fish, called 'gurun' was a traditional offering to the designated 'Bhairav Doul'.  Additionally the combined dish of raddish and nadru and small sized rice flour rotis called 'Chochivar' also formed a part of ritualistic offering to the designated vessels of 'Doul' and 'Resh Pyala' respectively. As per the family custom, each family member would also offer one sugar candy known as 'Kund' to the big sized clay pot 'Nout', symbolizing Lord Shiva. Pooja was also offered to two small clay vessels called 'Sanie Wari' in which as per family reeth cooked rice was put inside. It is in stark contrest to reeth in some families where only walnuts are placed inside them. Gugul, locally called Kanthgun, black seasame seeds (Tael) and dhoop put collectively in a clay soucer called 'Touk' is ignited during pooja as it's aroma and fragrance is supposed to ward off the evil and damaging influences. Sh. Arjan Dev Majboor also recollected that different figurative images were carved out of kneaded rice flour on Shivratri. They were locally known as 'Butt, Battin' (probably male and female Kashmiri Pandits), Kral-Kraej' (Potter and Pottress), 'Kaeith-Katin' (Ram and Ewe i.e. male and female sheep), Hangul (Kashmiri stag) and 'Hound' (lamb). They were backed dry on the frying pan and as per the family reeth were ritualistically offered to the 'Bhairav Doul'. The said ritual probably actualized an era when Viashnavite faith was once predominant in Kashmir. Additionally, small sized rice flour rotis fried in oil, known as 'Dren' are taken as 'Naveed'  after the Shivtratri pooja is over. Interestingly in some families, 'Dren' is a ritualistic offering to the 'Bhairav Doul'. Continuing his conversation, Majboor Sahib further revealed that on the day following Shivratri i.e. 'Salam', the potter, ironsmith, milkman, sweeper, washerman carpenter, mason and Sarangi player would come to offer festival salutations. In addition to cash, they were given rice from the rice filled willow container, locally called 'Phout', which was specially set aside for the said purpose. Sh. Arjan Dev Majboor went nostalgic while recalling that on 'Salam', as per the family reeth, the family priest would invariably come early in the morning exclusively to apply Chandan Tilak to the family members. As per a family belief, it would signify heightened auspiciousness to the whole family for the entire year.

He also divulged that reverential installation of nine small sized vessels, locally called 'Vaer' in the 'Vatak Kuth' (Pooja-room) on the day prior to Shviratri called 'Vagir Bah' is an unusual and rare reeth of his clan. The nine clay vessels symbolically represent the nine attributes of the Goddess Parvati, the celestial spouse of Lord Shiva. They are Maha-Devi (the great Goddess), Haimawati (signifying Her parentage), Gauri (yellow and brilliant complexion) Jagat Mata (Mother of the Univers), Uma  (A beauty feature), Girja (Mountain-born), Vindhya Vasini (the dweller in the Vindhyas), Bhavani and lastly Jagat Gauri. Alternately, the nine clay vessels are also symbolic representation of the Goddess Parvati in Her terrible and fearsome form of Durga known by the names of Chhin-mastaka Dush BhujaSinha-Vahini,Rakta-VijaMahisha Mardani, Jagat DhatriKali or ShamaChandi orChandika, and Tara. The nine earthen vessels also represent the nine names of Goddess Parvati, known as Dakshya (offspring of Daksha), Girija, Kuja(earth-born), Ambika (the mother), Sati (the virtuous one), Riddhi (the splendid one). Sarva Mangla (Always auspicious), Shiva-duti (Lord Shiva's messenger) and Shakam-Bari (the nourisher of medicinal plants). They are also symbolic representations of Goddess Durga, the fearsome manifestation of Goddess Parvati, known by the names of ShailputriBrahmacharni,ChandragantaKushmandaSkandmataKantayaniKaalratriMahagouri andSidhdatri. Majboor Sahib also recounted that the ritualistic immersion pooja was done on 'Ambavasya' on the bank of village rivulet called Tongri. It is a mutilated pronunciation of the original name of 'Outunggira Kulya', meaning a rivulet having a descent from a high mountain. Lastly on Phagun Krishan Paksh Ashtami, the family reeth ordained that instead of earthen 'diyas', oil lit walnut shells were used for the said purpose. They were placed on the courtyard wall of the house, cowdung heap, kitchen garden, Charcoalash heap and Tongri rivulet bank. However, no Jattu-tu i.e. spinning around of burnedKangri's was done.

The Shivratri rituals of the community are soaked in indigenous earthiness and need to be celebrated with unrelenting faith and reverence, opined Sh. Ashok Bhan, alias Sh. Kundan Bhan, an original resident of Batpora Shopian and presently putting-up at Krishnangar Jammu.

Reminiscing about the festival of earlier times, Sh Bhan recalled that during Shivratri pooja, sheep's hungs with the attached heart was a traditional offering to the designated earthen untensil of 'Bhairav Doul'. He also informed  that as per his family custom  uncooked raw meat was also a permitted,  substitute offering. The 'Doon-Mavas' pooja was performed on the bank of the village Raembara stream.

The 'knock at the door or dhub-dhub ritual' was also an integral part of the 'Parmoojan' ceremony of his family, in which all kinds of luxury, material gains and well-being of the household  and the live-stock was desired and symbollically granted for the current year.

On 'Tila Ashtami', oil lit earthen lamps were placed on the cowdung heap, Charcoal ash container, Raembara stream bank, the village foot bridge and main verandah of the house, locally known as 'Brandh'. However, as per his family 'reeth', it was not permissible to keep the oil lit lamp inside the house or even on the courtyard wall of the house. The 'Jatoon-tu' ritual was also a part of 'Tila Ashtami custom.

The Shivratri rituals packed with intrinsic messages are an interaction of ancient wisdom, belief sytem, faith and unbridled reverence, observed Sh. Niranjan Nath Bhat, a native of the village Hanjan district Kulgam and presently putting-up at Muthi, Jammu. According to him all the four Pandit families of his village would offer uncooked meat to the 'Bhairav Doul' during Shivratri pooja.

As per their family tradition, it was customary to ensure continuous burning of the oil lit earthen lamps in the 'Vatak Kuth' right from Shivratri to Amavasya throughout day and night. The 'Vatak Parmoojan' and walnut pooja was collectively done by the Pandit families on the village stream and during the immersion ritual, stream water was cut cross-wise only three times with a knife. The knock at the door 'Thuk-Thuk' ritual was an integral part of the said ceremony. The Shivratri rituals are a visual expression of our exemplary social-cultural spectrum, said  Sh. Surinder Koul, an original resident of the village Nunar, district Ganderbal and now residing at Chinore, Jammu. Reminiscing about the festival of yesteryears, Sh. Koul informed that most of the Pandit families of the village would offer meat delicacies to the 'Bhairav-Doul'. He also recounted  that ritualistic immersion and subsequent walnut pooja was usually done collectively on the bank of the village stream calledGuhkol.

Reminiscing further, Sh. Surinder Koul recalled that during 'Thuk Thuk' ritual male member remains inside the main door, while as the ladies are outside the door during the ritualistic conversation before the opening of the door. Surprisingly, all the good things of life in the form of health, wealth, children and good produce are wished and symbolically granted by the male member of the family instead of the female which is in charp contrast to the reath prevalent in most of the families. Articulating further it was also revealed that on 'Teil Ashtami', oil lit clay  diyas are placed at the stair case of the house, yarbal ghat, adjacent paddy field, cow-shed and cowduung heap. An unusual and exceptional 'Vatak Parmoojan' ritual is that ladies of his family conclude the pooja with a sort of specified dance by moving around rhythmically with their feet immersed in the stream water with hands drawn upwards. It is an act of supplication and expression of cheerfulness on the satisfactory conclusion of the major portion of the festival.

Kashmiri Shivratri rituals are indigenous one's having medieval imprints which make us acquainted with the history  and roots, observed Sh. Manohar Lal Zutshi of Ganderbal. Recapturing the fragrance of the festival, he shared that apart from sumptuous meat dishes, an array of seasonal vegetarian dishes are also a ritualistic offering to the 'Bhairav-Doul'. Sh. Zutshi also disclosed that after the immersion ritual on Amavasya, the earthen pitcher 'Nout' having a little water collected from the village stream is reverently placed on the mud hearth, locally known as 'Daan' as a mark of auspiciousness. It was also revealed that during the said ritual, stream water is cut in straight lines five times with a knife. Afterwards, the said earthen 'Nout' is kept underneath a willow basket, locally known as 'Phout' for sometime. As per his family reeth, distribution of walnuts as 'Naveed' is permissible only after one or five rupee coin has been put inside the 'Nout'.

The Shivratri rituals need to be preserved to ensure prosperity to remain acquainted with the socio-cultural heritage and native roots, affirmed Sh. Som Nath Pandita, a resident of the village Sheeri, Tehsil Sopore, district Baramulla. He disclosed that in consonance with his family ritual, only the earthen pitcher 'Nout' and two small earthenwares locally called 'Saniewari' are retained in the 'Vatak Kuth' after the Shivratri pooja. He also informed that as per his family ritual, the dust and dirt gathered during the sweeping of the rooms is not permitted to be thrown away outside the house upto Phagun Krishan Paksh Ashtami, locally known as 'Teil Aathum'. However, as per a family belief the deposition of dirt and dust in the orchards, paddy fields and kitchen garden is believed to boost their respective yields.

It is our shared responsibility to have obsessive adherence and reverence for our Shivratri rituals and in no case should modernity be allowed to push them into irrelevance and oblivion, asserted Sh. R.L. Dhar, an original resident of Nawakadal/Bana Mohalla Razdan Kocha, Srinagar and presently putting-up at Gole Gujral Jammu. He disclosed that despite himself being a vegetarian, he continues to offer meat preparations as per his family reeth to the 'Bhairav Doul' during Shivratri pooja. Additionally as per family custom, walnut kernel pieces are embedded in the square marked potions of rice flour rotis. They are subsequently deep fried in oil or ghee and offered to 'Bhairav Doul' amidst religious invocations at the time of Shivratri pooja. The said preparation is locally known be the name of 'Dren'. The ritual not only generate divine feelings but also give a sense of ethereal sensation of being one with God, stated Sh. Bansi Lal Chaloo, an erstwhile resident of Kawdara, Alikadal Srinagar and now putting-up at Jawahir Nagar, Talab Tiloo, Jammu. In addition to a repertoire of dishes, his family also makes an offering of 'Dren' to the 'Bhairav-Doul' but with a minor difference that 'Dren' are prepared without adding walnut kernels to the rice flour rotis. Both the cited families do not observe the ritual of 'Thuk Thuk'.

*(The writer is a keen socio-cultural researcher)

 

PART VI

The Shivratri rituals structured down the generation are precious legacies of our forebear. In addition to the chronicled account, the rituals also interpret the socio-cultural evolution of our community, asserted Sh. Amar Nath Koul (Miya), an erstwhile resident of Kocha Nidan Sahib, Rainawari Srinagar and presently putting-up at Anand Nagar Bohri, Jammu. Refreshing the festival related memories, Sh. Miya recalled that even on 'Vagur Bah', i.e. a day prior to Shivratri, the ritualistic food preparations were that of fish and meat. The pooja utensils installed in the 'Vatuk Kuth' comrpised earthen utensils of'Gagar', a wide mouthed 'Doul', two 'Sanivarees', one 'Sounipatul' and an additional pooja vessel called 'Ram Goud',  which was in the form of a narrow mouthed clay pitcher 'Nout'.

Interestingly, on 'Vagur Bah', the ritualistic pooja was performed only for the 'Sanivaries' and not for the 'Ram Goud'. The pooja utensils were taken to charihaenzpur yarbal, which was adjacent to Vetal Bhairav Shrine for getting them filled-up with water usually in the morning.

As per his family reeth, the traditional dish offerings to the Bhairav Doul'comprised 'Rogan Josh', combined dish of fish and nadru, performed after midnight. The walnut pooja on Amavasya i.e. 'Doon Mavas' was performed at home and not on the river bank. Sh. Miya also disclosed that as per his family 'reeth', it was ordained to put the oil lit earthen diya's only on the enslosing courtyard wall and the nearest road crossing.

The Shivratri rituals represent the multiplicity of our cultural and social ethos and also depict our religious ethnicity, declared Sh. Kanya Lal Saproo, an erstwhile resident of Gulab Bagh, district Ganderbal and presently residing at Bhagwati Nagar Jammu. Reminiscing about the festival of yesteryears, he revealed that fish, 'roganjosh' and mixed dish of meat and nadru were the ritualistic cuisines offered to other 'Bhairav Doul' on Shivratri. In contrast to it, on 'Doon Mavus' the mixed dish of palakh-nadru' was cooked. During the ritualistic 'knock at the door' or 'Thuk Thuk' rite, it was customary for his family to say to have come from Tulamulla and Vicharnag in reply to a query about the specified place from where journeyed. It was probably said to emphasize the nearness of the holy shrines of Tulamulla and Vicharnag to his abode at Gulab Bagh.

During the said symbolic conversation , health wealth, good produce, overall prosperity, wisdom and knowledge are symbolically wished and granted. The Shivratri rituals having exceptional diversity and variety are proud expressions of our ancient social set-up and value structure, observed Sh. Moti Lal Raina (Razgaroo) an erstwhile resident of Drabiyar, Habbakadal Sringar and now putting up at Shivnagar Jammu. He also stressed that centuries old treasured rituals share a history, which have stretched into legends as they take us through the splendoured journey and glory of bygone ages. Counting his conversation Sh. Raina opined that rituals should never outlive their utility even under the heightened pressure of time and hurried life style of the present times. The Shivratri rituals are not only the cultural and religious accessories, which reassert our distinctive identity but also reveal the depth of our adoration and surrender to our most favoured Isht Dev and God of Gods Lord Shiva. With nostalgia weighing heavily on his mind, Sh Moti Lal Raina (Razgaroo) recounted vividly that the ritualistic offering to 'Bhairav Doul' used to be water fowl cooked with nadru, locally known as 'Pachin or Shikar' meat preparation of 'maech'.

He also disclosed that 'Vatuk Parmujan' ritual was performed even during the heightened winter chill at the Vitasta Yarbal Ghat of Drabiyar, with the river embankment coming alive during the pooja.

During the immersion ritual of 'Doon Mavus', the flowing river water was cut crosswise seven times with a knife. 'Thuk Thuk Thuk' was an integral part of the said ritual. Making an addition to the said conversation, Smt. Krishna Raina (Dhar) stated that Shivratri rituals endorse our earthly adoration and pesonalised devotion for Lord Shiva and His celestial spouse Goddess Parvati. She divulged that deloctable dishes of yellow meat mixed with turnip and 'Nadeer mokan' were traditional offerings to the 'Bhairav Doul' in her parental house at Bana Mohalla, Sringar, where 'Doon Mavus' pooja was performed in the 'Vatuk Kuth' or pooja room instead of the Yarbal Ghat. Sh Moti Lal Raina also revealed that offering of liquor to the 'Bhairva Doul' by some families having 'Sahib' surname of Kharyar Habbakadal Srinagar was an unusual and uncommon Shivratri ritual. A good quality liquor used to be specially procured for use in the sail ritual in Shivratri pooja.

The Shivratri rituals having metaphorical meaning and veiled wisdom are products of careful thought and insight gathered during the successive waves of proceeding times, affirmed Sh PN Tikoo, an old resident of Kralkhud/Peer Bagh Srinagar and now a resident of Vijay Nagar Talab Tillo, Jammu. Sharing the 'Hayreth' related imperishable memories, Sh. Tikoo recapitulated that on Phagun Krishan Paksh Duvadashi, locally known as 'Vagur Bah', a flat bottomed earthen utensil locally called 'Aaneut' was reverentially seated amidst pooja on the back-side space of the mud herth called locally as 'Daan'in the kitchen. The ritualistic combined dish of yellow meat and turnip was put in it amidst elaborate pooja. However, strangely enough on the next day of Shivratri the most sought after vegetarian dishes of yellow cheese, dumalu, nadir yakhni, cauliflower, nadru-palakh and mixed dish of potatoes and peas formed a part of the kitchen repertoire as per the family reeth as meat was a taboo in the family 'Vatak Kuth' i.e. the family pooja room on Shivratri day.

Making an addition to the conversation, Sh PN Tikoo further revealed that Vatuk or Pooja utensils comprised 'Nout', one 'Bhairav Doul', one 'Resh Doul',two small sized earthen pots called 'Machivari' and four more small sized clay pots, locally known as 'Sanivari', one 'Sanipotal' and a dhoop holder known as'dhupjoor'. As per the family reeth, four walnuts were put in each of the two'Machivari', whileas only one walnut was put in each of the four 'Sanivari'. All the cooked dishes after having been mixed with the rice were put inside the designated 'Bhairav Doul' amidst elaborate pooja, while as only rice mixed with unboiled milk was offered to 'Resh Doul', Curiously enough, there is no symbolic representation of the Goddess Parvati among the pooja utensils of the said Tikoo family. 'Doon Mavas'  pooja was performed at home and not at the river bank. On Tila Ashtami, oil lit earthen lamps were placed on the stepping stone stair, locally called 'Brandh', the courtyard wall the adjacent lane and the Yarbal Ghat.

The rituals are real life expressions of undying love and adoration for the great God Lord Shiva affirmed Sh. Madhusudhan Raina, an original  resident of Seer Jagir, tehsil Sopore, district Baramulla and presently putting up at Trilokpur, Gole Gujral Jammu.

He also advocated total commitment and steadfast loyalty for the observance of the Shivratri rituals. Thick with the cherished memories, Sh. Raina disclosed that 'Vatuk' comprised 'Nout', a small sized earthen utensils, locally called 'Choud' three wide mouthed clay utensils called 'Doulji', and a'Sonipotal' and four clay pots called 'Varie'. During Shivratri pooja, cooked rice and meat delicacies were put in one of the 'Vaer'  while as only milk and water was ritualistically offered to the remaining three earthen pots called'Vaers'. Out of the three 'Douji's' only milk was offered to one of them, whileas in rest of the two water and a few walnuts usually in odd number were put in them. As per the reeth of the said family, it was customary to offer snow to the 'Nout' , the symbolic representation of Lord Shiva. Sh Madhusudhan Raina also disclosed that many a times snow had to be procured from the snow copped mountains of the adjacent village of Chanad, Delina. All the pooja utensils were decked with 'Baelpattar' leaves, the coloured Virkam and 'Bredmushik' flowers gathered from the nearby forests. The said family would also offer pooja to 'Parthishor', the home made figurative earthen linga, for which the soil was collected from chanad forest range.

In addition to the electric lamp, an oil lit earthen diya was also kept burning throughout the night of Shivratri in the 'Vatak Kuth'. Sh Madhsudhan Raina also disclosed that Pooja utensils locally called 'Vatak Bhane' were in first instance stored in the out-house store room, locally called 'Kuch' from where they were taken inside the house only on the Shivratri day. Adding to his conversation, Sh Raina also stated that during the process of filling up of the Pooja utensils with water and walnuts, the ladies of the house would attire themselves in new outfits and also wear new 'athhoar; in the ears. On the day of 'Salam' the Kul-Brahman would invariably come early morning to apply chandan tilak to the house inmates, which as per family belief would spell auspiciousness for the ensuing year. During the ritual of 'Thuk Thuk',only an elderly lady of the house would tap the door and during the course of said conversation in reply to a symbolic query about the identity of person, the answer was that of 'Vatak Raza'. In confirmity with the family reeth, about three dozen oil lit earthen lamps filled with a sprinkling of black sesame seeds were placed in all the rooms, yarbal ghat, charcoal ash heap, livestock room, cowdung heap and the enclosing compound wall in tune with the family belief that no space should remain in shade on that day. It was also disclosed that after the end of 'Doon Mavas Pooja', all the ladies of the village would collectively perform a sort of circular dance on the Yarbhal Ghat with their hands drawn towards the sky. It was akin to the ritual dance performed by Kashmiri Pandit ladies during the Yaegnopavit and marriage ceremonies.

Sh Raina also revealed that fried pounded moong tikki was also a part of the walnut 'prasad', distributed among near and dear one's. All the Raina families of the village would also cut the flaming river water seven times crosswise with a knife. It was also disclosed that some families of the village Seer Jegir had the reeth of performing pooja of fried Nadru or potato slices alongwith the walnut kernels on 'Doon Mavus'. A curious and unusual family reeth was that 'Thuk Thuk' ritual was not performed on Amavasya evening but on the day of Shivratri itself after the pooja utensils were filled up with water and walnuts. Their entry inside the house was allowed only at the end of the 'knock at the door' ritual.

The multitude of Shivratri rituals are our prized inheritance, which demonstrate our boundless and immense devotion and love for the Supreme God Lord Shiva, observed Sh. Triloki Nath Pandita, originally hailing from the village Hutmulla, district Kupwara and now putting up at Trilokpur, Gole Gujral, Jammu. He also stresed that festival related rituals need to be faithfully observed so that we become recipient of His grace. It was also disclosed that in addition to an uncooked and uncleaned fish, blood collected in a flat earthenware (Toke) after slaughter of a sheep in the courtyard were ritualistic offerings to the designated pooja utensil called'Bhairav Doul' during the Shivratri pooja. As per his family custom, a small earthenware known as 'Vagur' was also reverentially installed in the 'Vatak Kuth' on the evening of 'Vagur Bah',  i.e. a day prior to the main festival of Shivratri. Meat preparations were the usual offerings to the 'Vagur' also. The'Vatuk' comprising pooja utensils were ushered inside the house only after the completion of 'Aalath' by waving around of a water filled pot around them.

Sh. Triloki Nath Pandita also revealed that (figurative-images) of only potter and potteress, locally known as 'Kral' and 'Kraej' were made-out from the kneaded rice flour. They were baked dry without oil on a pan and eventually offered to the 'Bhairav Doul' . The 'Doon Mavus' pooja was performed collectively by all the families of the  village on the rivulet bank. In place of earthen lamps, about 30-40 oil lit walnut shells having a sprinkling of black sesame seeds were also placed in all the rooms, rivulet bank, dry cowdung heap, stored charcoal ash mass, and livestock room in the evening of Tila Ashtami. It was also customary to perform 'Jattu-Toun' by rotating the ignited old and damaged fire pots i.e. 'Kangris' in the evening of 'Tila Ashtami'.

*(The writer is a keen socio-cultural researcher)

 

PART VII

The Shivratri pooja of Kashmir is a complex interplay of diverse components of customs, ritual beliefs, codes of observance and taboos as per the indi­vidual family reeth.

The Shivratri rituals  having a strong devotional and faith con­tent are deeply interwoven in the matrix of our rcligio-socio-cultural lives, affirmed Sh. Rattan Lal Bhat, a resident of the village Daetgham, district Baramulla and presently putting up at Srinagar. Sharing his festival related memo­ries, Sh. Bhat revealed that as per his family ‘reeth’, the ritualistic pooja of two flat bottomed spherical earthenware locally called ‘toke’ is performed in the evening of Phagun Krishna Pakash Dwadashi, known as ‘Vagur Bah’ in the local lan­guage. Amidst an elaborate pooja, only cooked rice usually prepared from fresh harvested stock is put in the above cited earthen­ware (‘Toke’). The ‘Doon Mavus’pooja is performed in the evening on the bank of Daegham rivulet. Curiously enough, only one of the earthen pitcher’s sym­bolically representing the God­dess Parvati is taken out to the bank of the village stream for the said pooja, whileas the main pitcher symbolically represent­ing Lord Shiva is retained in the ‘VatakKuth’. As per his family reeth, the flowing water of the stream is cut seven times in straight lines with a knife during the ‘Doon Mavus’ pooja.

It was also revealed that dur­ing the symbolic ‘knock at the door conversation ritual’, it is customary to say Maha Ganesh as a witness before the main door of the house is opened and house inmates are allowed inside. On ‘Tila Ashtami’ evening, oil lit earthen diyas having a sprinkle of black sesame seeds inside are placed on the rivulet bank, cowdung heap and road cross­ing. They were not permitted to be kept in the house.

The Shivratri rituals having a mysterious symbology facilitate an intimate bond with the Su­preme Divine, observed Sh. Pushkar Nath Tutu, an erstwhile resident of Sheshyar, Habbakadal Srinagar and now-putting up at Janipura Jammu. Recapturing the festival related nostalgia memories, Sh. Tutu re­vealed that as per the family ‘reeth’, the repertoire of culinary legacy of his home on the evening of 'Vagur Bah’ comprised water fowl (Pachin), the usual meat preparations, the combined dish of fish and nadru, palakh-nadru andhakh. But strangely-enough, none of the above dishes but only walnuts in odd number were reverentially put inside the water filled designated clay pitcher of’Vagur’. However, all the above cited dishes were repeated on Shivratri and offered to the ‘Bhairav Doul’’.

It was also revealed that from ‘Salam’ onwards upto the ‘Doon Mavus’, the designated earthen utensil ‘Nout’, ‘Choud’ and ‘Saniewari’ had to be taken to Shashyar Vitasta ghat for refill­ing them with fresh water daily usually in the early hours of mornings. Curiously enough, ‘Doon Mavus’, pooja was per­formed in the ‘Vatak Kuth’ in­stead of the river ghat and corre­spondingly there was no ‘Thuk Thuk’ ritual.

The amazing variety of Shivratri rituals and customs graced with local flavour have deep rooted symbolic underpin­nings, observed Sh. Manoj Koul, a native of the village Danter, dis­trict Anantnag and presently re­siding at Dream City, Muthi, Jammu. Recounting the festival related ‘reeth’ of yesteryears, he disclosed that in the evening of ‘Vagur Bah’, i.e. a day prior to Shivratri, cooked rice mixed with fish dish accompanied by an un­cooked and uncleaned small fish variety called ‘gumri were put inside the designated earthen pitchyer of ‘Vagur’ amidst pooja. The ‘Vatak’ utensils comprised the earthen‘Nout’, ‘Choud’, two Resh Pyala’ in addition to the usual ‘Bhairav Doul’, ‘Sanipatul’ and ‘Dhoopjoor’. As per the fam­ily reeth, cooked rice mixed with meat preparations of ‘Roganjosh’, ‘Kalya’, ‘Maech’ and mixed dish of fish and raddish were the ritu­alistic offerings to the ‘Bhairav Doul’ during the Shivratri pooja, whileas only milk mixed with cooked rice is put inside the ‘Resh Pyala’.

Strangely enough in stark contrast to the usual and most common practice, the Doon Mavus’ pooja is performed in the morning and not in the evening and that too in the home and not at the river bank. Correspond­ingly there is no ‘knock at the door’ ritual. Sh Manoj Koul also divulged that on ‘Tila Ashtami’ morning uncooked rice and un­cooked raddish are put infront of the nine oil lit earthen lamps in the ‘Vatak Kuth’. In the ensuring evening, all these items placed in a bronze thali were taken to the village stream. The rice and raddish were consigned to the flowing water of the stream whileas all the oil lit diyas were placed on the bank of the village stream. In no case were they per­mitted to be taken inside the house.

The varied hues of Shivratri rituals representing a majestic repository of the past are impres­sive left over imprints of the past, articulated Sh. Vircnder Koul, an originally resident of the village Damjan, tehsil Vessu, district Anantnag and presently putting up at Srinagar. Recapitulating the festival related ‘reeth’, Sh. Koul disclosed that on Shivratri, the ritualistic offerings to the ‘Bhairav Doul’ comprise the cotton-seed, locally known as ‘Kapsi Boyel’,alternately in its’ absence to be substituted by cotton, a mixture of different uncooked pulses of moong, mash (maha), arhar, matar etc and seven different uncooked vegetables namely ‘hak’, raddish, potato, nadru, knol khol,spinach and cauli­flower or cabbage as per the availability, known locally as‘Sut Sous’. In addition to the above, cooked vegetable dishes were also offered to the earthen uten­sil of’Bharav Doul’ amidst pooja. Sh. Vircnder Koul also revealed that fresh blood of a slaughtered sheep and an uncooked piece of sheep’s lung’s were also a part of the sacrificial offerings to the ‘Bhairav Doul’. As per his family specific reeth, figurative images having human figure like outlines were made out from the kneeded rice flour on Shivratri. They were known as ‘Kral, Kraej, Kath, Katin, Butt, Batin and Shav Shavin’. They were baked dry on a frying pan. Pooja was also per­formed for them. At the time of ‘Doon Mavus’ pooja, they were offered to the flowing waters of the village stream known by the name of Louver. During the said pooja, the stream water was cut only three times with a knife in straight lines and not crosswise. It was customary to distrib­ute, the naveed of walnut kernals and rice flour rotis ‘Chochivour’ right at the Louver stream ghat it­self. During the ‘knock at the door ritual of dubh dubh’, it was obligatory to say ‘Maha Lidar’ as an accompanist, perhaps to emphaisze the nearness of the village Damjan to the river Lidar, which flows in Pahalgam area. Incidentally, Lidar is the mutilated pronunciation for the original name of the said river as Lambodhari and one of the name’s of Maha Ganesh is also Lambodhar.

Additionally in reply-to the ritualistic conversation of ‘Kus Chuv, Ram broar, kya heth, ann, dann, douvlut, sukh, smpadha, laxmi and saraswati,’ the main door of the house was opened and family members al­lowed inside only after the words of ‘Urniya Tae Tiyan’ were ut­tered. After the immersion ritual of‘Doon Mavus’, the earthen utensils of ‘Nout’ and ‘Choud’ had to be seated once again in the ‘Vatak Kuth’ for about five to six minutes. The naveed after the said pooja comprised dry dates, kishmish in addition to the cus­tomary, walnut kernals and rice flour rotis. On Tila Ashtami instead of the earthen lamps, diyas were made from the kneaded rice flour. They were oil lit after black sesame seeds were put in them. They were eventually placed on the enroute sides of the road lead­ing to the temple of the village Damjan.

Making an addition to the above conversation, Sh. Kanya Lal Koul, an erstwhile resident of the village Vessu, district Anantnag and now living at Muthi Jammu revealed that his family reeth ordains him to cut the flowing river water only five times with a knife during ‘Doon Mavus’ pooja.

The Shivratri pooja of Kash­mir is a complex interplay of di­verse components of customs, ritual beliefs, codes of observ­ance and taboos as per the indi­vidual family reeth. They are valuable socio-religious assets, which are moored in medieval origins, asserted Sh. Bansi Lai Raina, a resident of the village Chandrigam tchsil Pahalgam, dis­trict Anantnag. Sh Bansi Lal di­vulged that most of the Raina families of his village cook only-vegetarian dishes on Shivratri, which are offered to the ‘Bhairav Doul’. However the vegetarian tradition is broken on the day of ‘Salam’. The ‘Vatak Parmujan’ and ‘Doon Mavus’pooja are per­formed on the village spring. During the ‘knock at the door ritual’ of ‘Thuk Thuk or Dubh Dubh’, it is necessary to say ‘ Vatak Raza’as a witness. On Tila Ashtami, eight oil lit earthen lamps are placed in the temple premises, Vatak Kuth, bank of the water source, charcoal heap, livestock room and in the stable.

The Shivratri rituals are faith aiding embellishments having unlimited adoration and rever­ence for the great God Lord Shiva opined Sh. Manohar Nath Raina, an originally resident of the vil­lage Wullar hama, district Anantnag and presently putting-up at the ORT Complex Purkhoo Jammu

The family ‘reeth’ ordained that alongwith the delectable meat preparations of Roganjosh, Kalya, minced meat, a few pieces of uncooked meat, uncooked and uncleaned small fish called ‘gurun’ and fresh blood of a sheep procured from a butcher were the sacrificial offerings to the earthen untensil designated as ‘Bhairav Doul’. The ‘Vatuk’ comprised earthen utensils of ‘Nout’,‘Choud’, ‘five Doulji and one ‘Bhairav Doul’.

All of them were carried to the village stream to get them filled-up with fresh water. However, strangely enough, the clay rep­resentation of Lord Shiva known as ‘Saniepotul’ did not form a part of the ‘Vatuk’. An unusual absence was also that of ‘Resh Doul’ utensil. An additional sac­rificial offering to the‘Bhairav Doul’ was a mixed dish of sheep’s stomach and turnip, known by the name of ‘demni gogiz’ locally. In addition to the electric lamp, an oil lit earthen lamp was also kept burning throughout the night of Shivratri in the pooja room. The snow procured from the adjacent forest was a prized offering to the earthen untensil of ‘Nout’, the symbolic represen­tation of Lord Shiva. On ‘Doon Mavus’, pooja and ‘Vatuk purmoojan were done on the vil­lage stream and participation of each and every’ family member was ensured. During the ‘dubh dubh or thuk thuk ritual, Jawala Bhagwati was spoken as a wit­ness; most probably as Goddess Jawala is the Isht Devi of most of the Kashmiri Pandits of Wullarhama village. An interest­ing ritual of the said family is that in the morning of ‘Tila Ashtami’, seven circular and flat bottomed earthenware locally known as ‘Toke’ are filled up with cooked rice. Each one of them is then covered with a rice flour roti called ‘Chochivor’.Afterwards a red coloured uncooked turnip alongwith two rolled-up cooked rice morsels known as ‘Hoon Machie’ are placed infront of the above earthenware. In the evening of the same day a suffi­cient number of oil lit earthen lamps are filled up with a sprankle of black sesame seeds amidstpooja for departed souls. This ritual is known as ‘chaeng mootravin in Kashmiri.

These oil lit earthen lamps were then kept in each room of the house, main stepping stair, locally known as ‘Brandh’, live­stock room, cowdung and char­coal ash heaps and lastly on the village stream bank. An addi­tional peculiarity of Shivratri pooja of the said family is the absence of ‘Reshi Doul’ among the ‘Vatak utensils’. Sh. Manohar Nath Raina rounded off his con­versation with a disclosure that a few families of Wullarhama vil­lage have a ‘reeth’ of offering raddish chetni (muj chatin) to the designated earthen utensil of ‘Bhairav Doul’during the Shivratri pooja.

*(The writer is a keen socio-cultural researcher)

 

PART VIII

The Shivratri  rituals having  socio-religious and the historical continuum provide contextual relevance to the exemplary cultural traditions of Kashmir. They are evident expressions of Kashmir's own version of unbroken religious customs, observed Sh. Roop Krishan Dhar, an erstwhile resident of the village Thajvara, district Anantnag and now putting-up at ORT Complex Purkhoo Jammu. Sharing the festival related memories, he disclosed that all the three erstwhile Pandit families of the village followed vegetarian tradition. The distinctive cuisines comprised yellow cheese, dumalumuja kaela, crisp fried potato andnadru chruma cauliflower and the prized hakh as meat was a taboo on Shivratri. He also revealed that potter from the adjoining village of Wagam would bring the Vatak utensils at the auspicious timing about two to three days prior to the festival. They were initially stocked in the uppermost storey of the house 'Kaeni' before their final entry in the Vatak Kuth on the Shivratri day. As per the family ‘reeth’, rice and cooked vegetables were the permitted offerings to the designated ‘Resh Doul’. The notable mission was the absence of milk offering. In sharp contrast to the usual practice, the ‘Doon Mavus’ pooja was performed in the morning and not in the evening and that too in the ‘Vatak Kuth’ and not at the river or stream bank. The uniquely myriad hues of the Shivratri rituals are embodiments of an ancient tradition, which fortify our familial and social structure, affirmed Sh. Pran Nath Koul, an erstwhile native of Bijbehara, district Anantnag and presently residing at Buta Nagar Janipur Jammu. The haunting and memorable recollections of the festival are like a sweet memory for him. Overtaken by a sudden rush of nostalgia, Sh. Koul stated that as a run-up to the festival, the whole house was readied for the momentous occasion by clay smearing called 'livun'. The clay utilised for the said purpose was procured from the local Jaya Devi Wudar or plateu. It was specially collected in autumn and then sun dried for subsequenct Shivratri use. The potter from the nearby village of Waghama would bring the Vatak untensil comprising two big sized pitchers 'Nout', one smaller pitcher 'Choud', five wide mouthed utensils called 'Doulji, five earthen lamps, clay saucers called 'Toke', dupjoor and about three to four cooking utensils, locally known as 'laej'.

Out of the two, one of the 'Nout' was utilised for storing drinking water on the festival day and the other earthen utensils 'laej' were subsequently used for cooking purpose for the ensuing year as all the previously used cooking utensils were discarded and replaced by fresh one's on Shivratri.

The Vatak utensils were taken to the Vitasta ghat to get them filled-up with water by the ladies of the house. However utmost care was taken to protect them from the onlooker's gaze by covering the pooja untensils with the corner portions of the worn sari's.

Elaborating further Sh. Koul also revealed that as per his family reeth, it was customary to utilise only the water procured from the Vitasta river during pooja. Another curious custom entailed that grass 'Aarie' and 'Vusier' had to be made from the dry grass bundle, which had been washed thoroughly in the flowing water of the Vistata river. The left over untilised grass had to be fed to the cows in order not to dilute the piousness of the grass, which was utilised for the pooja purpose. The potter who had brought the pooja utensils was given rice, fresh vegetables, sugar, loose tea and fire wood in addition to cash.

As per the family, reeth, the tempting meat dishes of 'roganjoshkaeliya, minced meat preparation of 'maech', sour sheep liver cuisine of choukcharvanpalakh, hakh and 'mujkaela' were the sacrificial offerings to the designated untensils of 'Bhairav Doul'. Additionally, a mixture of seven uncooked pulses comprising rajmash, moong, corn, masoor, maha, black and white channa, known by the local name of  'Sut Soaj' was a special offering to the 'Resh Doul'. It is in complete variance with the reeth prevalent in most of the families where only milk is the lone offering. A portion of 'Sut soaj' was specially kept in the Shali storage room, locally known as 'Dhan Kuich'. It was in accordance with family belief that observance of this reeth would ensure bounteous produce of the grains and pulses during the ensuing year. The family specific reeth also ordained that apart from sugar candy 'kund', kishmish, cardimum, almond kernals and sugar crystal locally known as 'nabud', were also offered to both the 'Nout' and the 'choud'. Sh Koul also revealed that in addition to the electric light, an oil lit earthen diya was ensured to remain burning throughout the night of Shivratri in the Vatak Kuth. On 'Salam', the family priest would invariably come to apply tilak and tie 'mouli' (naerven) on the wrists of all the family members. In contrast to the most common reeth, the 'Doon Mavus' pooja was performed at home and not at the river bank.

On Tila Ashtami, eight oil lit earthen lamps were placed in the Thoker Kuth, cow-shed, Shali storage room, charcoal ash heap, yarbal ghat and outer door of the courtyard. No Jattu Toun was performed.

The traditionally revered heritage customs of Shivratri are our treasured possession. They not only facilitate our spiritual progress but also assist to sustain our inner strength, observed Sh. Pushkar Nath Koul of the village Uttersu, district Anantnag and now a resident of Bantalab, Jammu. Refreshing the festival related memories, he disclosed that Phagun Krishan Paksh Pratipadha, locally known as 'Hur Oakdoh' would signal the cleaning process in the form of smearing the whole house with a mixture of water and clay. The special clay having unrivaled purifactory qualities was procured from the adjacent Gadibal forest. The house cleanliness process would continue upto Phagun Krishna Paksh Suptami, locally know as 'Hur Satum'.

However, as per an unusual family custom, the smear aiding fabric, locally known as 'livun hur' was permitted to be taken out of the house only on Phagun Krishna Paksh Ashtami i.e 'Hur Aethum'. Strangly enough, the said 'livun hur' had to be consigned to the flowing waters of the village rivulet as it was regarded as a sinful act if it was thrown at an unclean and soiled place. The ritualistic dishes on 'Hur Aethum' were meat, fish and a small fish variety of 'gurun'. The following day of 'Hur Navum' was a rest day . On Phagun Krishna Paksh Dashmi, locally known as 'Dyara Dahum', the daughters-in-law would invariably return back to their homes from their parental houses. As per a belief, their home coming was symbolic of the arrival of Goddess Laxmi'. Sh Koul also disclosed that on the next day locally known as 'Vagur Kah', a small sized earthen utensil, locally known as 'Vaer' was reverentially seated on the back space of the mud-hearth, locally known as 'Dhaan'. It was believed to usher-in good fortune, property and wellbeing. Three to five walnuts were put inside the said 'Vagur' after they had  been filled up with water. Only vegetarian dishes were permitted to be cooked on the said day. On the morning of Shivratri', head of the family or the eldest son would ensure the preparation of 'Aarie' and 'Vusur', precaution being taken that grass shreds were twind leftway. Interestingly, the grass rope is made by right side interlacing of the grass strands. The 'Vatuk' comprised nout, choud, doul, resh vaer, sonipatul and three small sized 'varie'. The three 'varie' were supposed to symbolize the accompanying divine wedding guests.

An array of vegetarian dishes of 'dumalu', nadir yakhni, hakh, vapal hak, mujae kaela and yellow cheese were the characteristic cuisines cooked as per the family reeth. Interestingly enough, the number of walnuts put-in the 'Nout' were in accordance with the  family strength and it was ensured that no family member got unrepresented. As per the family reeth, an elder family member was required to sleep in the Vatak Kuth during the Shirvatri night. The continuous and interrupted burning of the oil lit earthen lamps was also ensured in the 'Vatak Kuth', which was in addition to the electric light. The vatak untensils were filled-up at Shankar Nag of the village. As per the family reeth, the male member of the family was required to carry the 'Nout', whileas 'choud' had to be taken care of only by a female family member. The vegetarian dishes were cooked upto Salam.

The Vatak Parmujan was performed on the Shankar Nag, which was accomplished in midst of blowing of conch shell and ringing of the hand-bell locally known as 'ghanta'. The house inmates would return back to the home to loud accompaniment of the said music. It was indicative of rejoicing on the satisfactory accompli-shment of the divine wedding of Lord Shiva and Goddess Parvati. During the 'knock at the door'; ritual of 'dubh dubh', an elderly lady would remain inside the closed door and symbolically wish and grant all the good things of life to the house inmates. On Tila Ashtami evening, seven oil lit earthen lamps having a sprinkle of black sesame seeds (Sesamum indicum) were at the first instant covered under a willow basket, locally known as 'Kranjul' for about one hour. Afterwards, each one of them was placed at cowshed, rice storage room, charcoal ash and cowdung heaps, the courtyard wall, the stream bank and emerging spot of the village stream.

The Shivratri rituals are an amazing amalgam of faith, beliefs and abundant devotion, which have helped us to manoeuvre in troubled times, recounted Sh. Avtar Krishan Razdan,  an original resident of the village Brah, district Anantnag and presently putting up at ORT complex Purkhoo Jammu.

Sharing the blissful memories, he disclosed that on 'Vagur Bah', a small brass pitcher locally called 'gudva' was reverentially seated in the kitchen instead of the 'Vatak-Kuth' usually after the sun-set. Amidst pooja, three walnuts, water cooked rice, hak and fried nadru slices were ritualistically put-in them. As per the family reeth, the Vatuk comprised Nout, choud, one specially designed pitcher locally known as 'Gangiz' , one sanipatual, dhoopjoor, one 'Doul' and is small sized 'Doulji'. A mixture of rice, maize, barley, black and white sesame seeds, moong and mash were ritualistically put inside the 'Doul' amidst the Vatak Pooja. The said offering was locally known as dry 'Sut Soaj'. As per the family reeth, instead of the usual milk offering, sour reddish locally known as ''mujae kaela' was specific offering to 'Resh Pyala', symbolically represented by 'Gangiz'.

Interestingly, 'Resh Pyala' substituted 'Resh Doul' as per the family custom. The 'Nout' and 'Choud' untensils were decorated with native wild flowers of 'Takibatin, Verkim and dry marigold in addition to 'Babri' twigs. Only female members would fill-up the Vatak untensils with water at the village spring as participation of male members was disallowed. A lavish spread of vegetarian dishes comprised 'dal-nadru', mujae kaela, hakh and nadir churma.

The Vatak Parmujan on Amavasya was done at the village spring Nagbal. All the Pandit families would collectively participate in the pooja to the accompaniment of blowing of conch, ringing of hand-bell and burning of fire crackers. During the 'Thuk Thuk' ritual, it was obligatory to pronounce Lord Shiva as a witness before the main door was opened and house-inmates were allowed inside.

On Tila Ashtami, a red coloured turnip was placed on a grass woven 'Aarie' and seven earthen lamps having a sprinkle of black til seeds were oil lit. They were subsequently placed at Nagbal, cowshed, livestock room, charcoal and cowdung heaps, and courtyard wall. However no lamp was permitted to be taken inside the house as it was regarded inauspicious. It was also revealed that one previously used oil lamp was also placed at the village rivulet bank.

 

PART IX

THE Shivratri rituals not only showcase the socio-cultural and religious ancestry of our community but they also signify the lengendary recalls of the bygone eras and continuities of the past. They help to activate and energise our alignment with the Divine, reassuringly asserted, Sh. Girdhari Lal Koul, a resident of the village Inder, district Pulwama and presently putting-up at Indra Nagar Srinagar. Reminisicing about the festival related blissful memories of the yore, he recounted that intermediary period from Phagun Krishnapaksh Pratipadha to Suptami were the designated days for dusting and cleaning of the house followed by washing of household garments and bedlinen. The day of Phagun Krishnapaksh Dashmi was set aside for the traditional smearing of the whole house with a mix of clay, water and cowdung, locally known by the name of ‘livun’. The ‘Vatukh’ cormpised of earthen vessals of ‘Nout’, ‘Choud’, two wide mouthed ‘Doul’, two ‘Saniewari’, one ‘Sanipatul’ and five to seven  clay saucers, locally known as ‘Toke’. Only the pooja utensils of Nout and Choud were filled-up with water at the village Inder Nag, whileas rest of the vessels were filled-up with water of the said spring at the ‘Vatuk Kuth’ itself. The sumptuous food spread of‘roganjosh, kalya, the minced meat rolls called ‘mach’, combined dish of fish and nadru and sour tasting preparation of ‘Chok Charvun’cooked with culinary expertise were the prized sacrifical offerings to the specified earthen vessal of ‘Bhairav Doul’, amidst elaborate pooja on Shivratri. As per the family specific ‘reeth’, cooked or fried head of the fish was an additional offering to the ‘Bhairav Doul’. Continuing his conversation, Sh. Girdhari Lal Koul further divulged that apart from the customary milk, a native dish of unpounded moong and raddish, known by the local name of ‘Sus-Muj’ was also a ritualistic offering to the ‘Resh Doul’. However excessive care was taken not to defile the piousness of the vegetarian offering of ‘Sus-muj’ by avoiding it’s contact with the meat dishes both during cooking and observance of the said offering. Sh Koul also revealed that during Shivratri pooja, an unwashed and uncooked sheep’s lung in its’ entirety with it’s heart intact was one more distinctive and unusual offering to the ‘Bhairav Doul’.

During the act of ‘Parmujan’ on the night of Shivratri, the said offering of sheeps’ lung was latter-on deposited either at one of the farthest corner’s of the house or at the base of a tree in the vicinity of house. It was  in accordance with a prevalent belief that ‘Bhairav’ has the resting place either at the tree top or corners of the dwelling. Curiously enough, on the day next to Shivratri, locally known as ‘Salam’, pooja was agani performed for turmeric mixed cooked rice, known as ‘Taeher’ and uncooked, sheep’s lung having its heart intact. After performance of the pooja by the family priest in the morning, the said offering, locally known as ‘Chout Kharun’ was kept on the house top for the kites and crows to feed on. She. Girdhari Lal Koul lastly revealed that contrary to the usual practice of using baked clay lamps, his family specific reeth ordained that only sun dried earthen lamps were used both during ‘Doon Mavus’ and ‘Tila Ashtami’, pooja.

The indigenous Shviratri rituals are not only the hallmarks of a glorious tradition but also constitute the visible expressions of our unbridled faith, observed Sh. Pyare Lal Pandit, an erstwhile resident of the village Muran, district Pulama and now putting-up at Gandhi Nagar, Jammu.

Recapturing the fragrance of the festival of the yester years, he revealed that‘Vatuk’ comprised of earthen vessels of ‘Nout’, ‘Choud’, only one ‘Doul’, five ‘Saniewaris’, in addition to one ‘Sanipatul’ and ‘Dhoopajoor’. The pooja untensils or ‘Vatuk’ was brought in the house by a male potter and not the pottress in a willow twigs woven carry-back carriage called ‘Kraej’ usually in the morning of Shivratri. The notable mossion was that of ‘Resh Doul’ among the pooja utensils only after the ritualistic waving of water filled vessel around the potter as a sign of welcome and good omen. Apart from cash, the potter was also paid rice, loose tea, sugar, cooking oil and spices. All the pooja utensils of the ‘Vatuk’ were filled-up with water at the village spring called Bhawan Nag. In addition to ‘Nout’ and ‘Choud’,  the five Saniwaris’ were also filled up with water and one walnut in each. The ‘Vatk’ parmujan’ was done after midnight usually at the Bhawan Nag. It was also revealed that while leavnig the house for ‘Parmujan’, excepting for the ‘Vatak Kuth’, the electric lights of all the rooms of the house were switched off. Additionally, during Parmujan, the Bhairav Doul was emptied of it’s contents while sheltering it underneath a towel to keep it away from the gaze of the house inmates.

After ‘Parmujan’, the empty ‘Bhairav Doul’ was seated again at its earlier place in the pooja room, but strangely enough in upside down position. However, this upside down position was reversed on the evening of ‘Doon Mavus’. The Doon Mavus’ pooja was usually performed collectively by most of the Pandit households at the Bhavan Nag. The ritual of ‘knock at the door’ or ‘thuk thuk’ was not observed before entry into the house. It was further revealed by Sh. Pandita that on Tila Ashtami, black Sesame seeds were put into seven home made diyas made out of kneaded rice flour as use of baked earthen lamps was forbidden as per the family ‘reeth’. After having been oil lit, they were placed in the living rooms of the house, cowshed, rice storage room and on the top of enclosing courtyard well. The rite of ‘Jattu toon’ was not performed.

The multiple Shivratri rituals play an inspiring role in shaping our socio-religious lives as they not only make us to remember our past but also facilitate to harmonise and galvanise our present existence, declared Sh. Shiv Kumar Raina, an original inhabitant of the village Kathwar, district Budgam and presently residing at Muthi, Jammu. Sharing the festival related memories, be recaptiulated that out of about forty Pandit families of the village prior to exodus, about twenty families having the surname of‘Raina’ followed the vegetarian reeth on Shivratri.

The culinary repertoire of the vegetarian dishes which were sacrificial offerings to the ‘Bhairav Doul’ comprised of dumalu, nadru -palakh, yellow chese, hakh and nadru ‘chruma’. The pooja utensils were filled-up with water at the village streamlet. Interestingly enough all the Raina families of the said village would perform the ‘Doon Mavus’ pooja at their respective ‘Vatak Kuths’ and not at the streamlet. Consequently, the ‘knock at the door’ ritual of ‘Thuk Thuk’ was not observed by them. However, the distribution of walnuts as ‘Prasad’ among the neighbours was accomplished in the evening of ‘Doon Mavus’ itself. Sh Raina also stated that on ‘Tila Ashtami’ each of the said families would lit seven oil earthen lamps in the morning in ‘Vatak Kuth’.However, it was strictly ensured that they remained burning throughout the day and in the evening a few black sesame seeds were put in each of them as an act of oblation for the departed souls. Afterwards they were placed at the room windows, cowshed, shali storage room, rivulet bank and encompassing courtyard wall.

The Shviratri rituals reveal in telling measures about the antiquity of the religious assets of our faith, which amazingly have stayed with us even in disorderly and tumultuous phases of our lives, declared Sh. Ram Krishan Muthu, an erstwhile inhabitant of Drabiyar, Habbakadal Srinagar and now putting up at Anand Nagar Bohri, Jammu.

Recalling the festival of earlier times, Sh. Muthu revealed that as a prelude to the main festival, his family custom ordained that a combined dish of fish and raddish was cooked on Phagun Krishna Paksh Ashtami, known as ‘Hur Ashtami’. On Phagun Krishna Paksh Duvadashi, locally known as ‘Vagur Bah’,one earthen vessel ‘Nout’, one long and narrow necked earthen pitcher having a side handle known by the local name of ‘Bachi Naer’, one Saniwari, one Machiwari, one flat bottomed wide mouthed spherical earthen vessel having the local name of ‘Anyut’ and one ‘Vagur’ in the form of a brass vessel known by the local name of ‘Tumba’ were installed in the ‘Vatak Kuth’. Fifty one or fifty five walnuts were put inside the ‘Nout’ and ‘Bachi Naer’, whereas one to three walnuts were placed in Saniwari and Machiwari. In the evening of the same day cooked rice and mixed dish of fish and raddish was put in the earthen vessel of ‘Anyut’ amidst pooja. On the day of Shivratri, two wide mouthed earthen vessels designated as ‘Bhairav Doul’ and ‘Resh Doul’, one extra Saniwari and Machiwari were added to the already installed pooja vessels in the ‘Vatak Kuth’.

As per the family reeth, the delectable food spread consisted of Roganjosh, Kalya, combined dish of meat and nadru, mixed dish of nadru and turnip, combined dish of fish and raddish and yellow turnip, which were the sacrificial offerings to the Bhairav Doul. Pooja was also performed for small sized rice flour roti  called ‘chochivor’ and pointed edged rice flour rotis, known by the local name of ‘Kanknivor’. Additionally symbolic figurative images, of kneaded rice flour locally known as ‘Kral, Kraej, Bhat, Batin, Shav, Shavin and Kath, Katin were also prepared on Shivratri. They formed a part of the pooja material. The split pieces of Chochivor and Kanknivor were also fried in oil and they were known by the local name of ‘Dren’. Alongwith the walnuts and roti’s, ‘Dren’ formed a part of the ‘naveed’ distributed among near and dear one’s. Pooja was also performed for cooked rice and a big sized piece of uncooked and unwashed sheeps’ lung put in an earthen saucer‘Toke’. It was afterwards put on the house top for the birds to feed on. An additional sacrificial offering to the ‘Bhairav Doul consisted of fresh blood of the slaughtered sheep, which was procured from the slaughter house.

The Doon Mavus’ pooja was performed on Phagun Shakula Pakash Pratipadha evening on the river bank of Drabiyar ghat. The pooja utensils of Vagur, Bachi Naer, Saniwari and Machiwari were taken to the yarbal ghat usually by the daughter-in-law. They were replenished with fresh water and pooja was also performed there. During pooja the flowing water of the river was cut once crosswise with a knife. On return, the main door of the house was opened only after the symbolic conversational dialogue between the house inmates behind the main closed door of the house,as per the family specific custom. During the said converstion of the ‘knock at the door’ ritual, it was customary to say Shiv and Parvati in reply to a symbolic question regardnig the identity of persons outside the closed door. In response to another symbolic question about the accompanying  witness, the answer given was that of Lord Shiva Himself. In the native Kashmiri language the said ritualistic conversation would run like this “Kus Chuv, Shiv Ti Parvati, Kya Heth: aun, dhana, orju, rozgar, soukh, sampadha, ti shanti heth, Parie Kus: Pana Shiv Nath”.

Interestingly enough, during, it, the usual and most prevalent word ‘Ram Broar’ is substituted by Shiv and Parvati, while as Lord Shiva, the God of Gods Himself is also mentioned as an accompanying witness. Afterwards the utensil of ‘Baesh Naer’ was seated on backside space of the mud hearth called ‘dhaan’ in the kitchen room as a mark of good omen for smooth running of the kitchen related affairs and overall sustenance. The fish and most favourite vegetable ‘hakh’ were the customary dishes as per the family reeth on the said day and meals could be taken only after pooja was undertaken on Tila Ashtami. The utilised pooja material and embellishments like ‘Vusir and grass woven ‘Aarrie etc. were deposited into the flowing water of the river. Two to three earthen lamps filled with oil were kept lit on the river bank and a few were floated in the river by placing them on the grass woven bases called ‘Aarie’.

Sh. Ram Krishan Muthu also divulged that during Shivratri pooja, black pepper, sugar crystals called ‘nabud and home made light drink locally called‘Panakh’ were the ritualistic offerings to the designated utensil of ‘Nout’,inaddition to the usual milk kund and vatak masala. 

Ending the conversation, it was also intimated by him that as per a prevalent belief Phagun Krishna Paksh Duvadashi or ‘Vagur Bah’ is regarded as the symbolic Mehendiraat of the Goddess Parvati, Phagun Krishan Paksh Triyadashi constitutes the symbolic celestial marriage of the Goddess Parvati with the Lord Shiva while as Phagun Krishna Paksh Amavasya or Doon Mavus’ is believed to be the equivalent of ‘Kushalhoum’.

 

PART X

The multitude of Shivratri rituals having undated antiquity sculpt a riveting portrayal of indigenous and exogenous strains of our societal cum cultural growth. They represent a microcosm of diverse beliefs, varied faith patterns, variegated societal mores, multiple layers of distinct religious practices and variable traditions acquired over centuries in the bygone times. Speaking on a nostalgic note, Sh Chand Ji Bhat, an original resident of the village Ladhoo, tehsil Pampore, district Pulwama and presently putting up at ORT Complex Nagrota, Jammu, divulged that ahead of the festival, the whole house was spruced up by smearing it with a combined mix of clay, water and cowdung usually on Phagun Krishna Paksh Ashtami, the day set aside for it. To ensure the foolproof piousness and cleanliness, the clay to be used was procured from the adjacent almond orchard of the family. In conjuction with the family defined 'reeth', the ritualistic pooja of two flat bottomed and wide mouthed spherical earthenwares, locally called 'Anyut' was performed in the evening of Phagun Krishan Paksh Dwadeshi, also known as 'Vagur Bah'.

The said pooja was performed in the kitchen. The two earthenwares of 'Anyut' were seated on the backside space of the mud herth, called 'Dhaan'. They were seated on grass woven bases 'Aarie'. The pooja would take place in the evening after mouli and 'vusur' were tied around and 'sindoor' applied to them. In accordance with the family 'reeth' it was customary to put uncut red coloured raw turnips one each in the earthenwares of 'Anyut'. The cooked rice was also put in them. The said pooja was undertaken in the kitchen and not in the 'Vatuk Kuth' for the obvious reason as kitchen is not only an integral and bustling part of a Kashmiri household but also constitutes a sanctimonious area of the house after the pooja room or 'Thakur Kuth'. Chandji also divulged that 'vatuk comprised twenty two earthen utensils of one 'nout', one 'choud', one 'doul', three 'doulji', seven 'varie', two 'saniwarie', one 'sanipatul', one 'dhoopajoor' and two 'tokes'. On Shivratri, usually at dusk, only the pooja utensils of 'nout' and 'choud' were taken to the nearby spring called 'charish pokhar' by both male and female family members.

Before undertaking the said ritual of water filling, the ladies would attire themselves in new outfits and wear new 'Athoar' in the ears as a mark of auspiciousness and good omen. On their return, the entry inside the house was allowed only after observance of 'Aaluth' by waving around of a water filled vessel having a few rice grains inside it. The lavish spread of non-vegetarian gourmet goodies of 'Roganjosh', Kalyai, mixed dish of turnip and lambs stomach called 'Demni gogiz' minced meat preparation of 'mach', sour tasting 'chok charvun', the most favourite humble 'hakh' and raw chutney of raddish called 'muj chatin' were the sacrificial offerings to the designated vessel of 'Bhairav Doul' amidst elaborate pooja. As a part of the offering, apart from milk and sugar candy called 'kund', kishmish, almonds, dry dates sliced coconut pieces and a native herb of 'Bubrikath' were the ritualistic offerings to the pooja utensil of 'Nout', the symbolic representation of Lord Shiva. In accordance with the family custom, an oil lit clay lamp was kept burning continously right from Shivratri day upto the evening of 'Doon Mavus'.

The 'doon Mavus' pooja was performed at the village rivulet bank. Only 'Nout' and 'Choud' were taken there for replenshing them with fresh water during the 'Visarjan' ritual. Contrary to the more prevalent practice of ladies involvement elsewhere, the rite was performed solely by male members of the family. During the knock at the door ritual of 'Thuk Thuk', in addition to the usual 'ann, dhan, orzu, sokh sampdha, gurgupan was also symbolically wished and granted, undoubtedly affirming the pastoral disposition of the said family. On Tila Ashtami seven earthen diyas having a sprinkle of black sesame seeds were oil lit in the kitchen and seven rolled-up cooked rice morsels called a 'Hoon Machie' were placed on seven rice flour rotis called 'Chochivar'. Additionally a bronze 'Kahwa' tea utensil called as 'Khoas' was also filled up with cooked rice to facilitate the observance of ritual obeisance to the departed souls of the family. The rite was also supplemented with the filling up of an earthen soucer called 'Toke' with cooked rice, which was subsequently placed at the village rivulet ghat as a part of the said ritual.

Out of the seven oil lit lamps, one each of them was subsequently placed at the charcoal ash deposition, dry cowudung heap, exterior stepping stair stone base called  'Brandh', streamlet or spring bank and the village temple. Their placement in the rooms was avoided. However the family specific custom permitted only a previously used old oil lit clay lamp to be kept in the kitchen. The family also observed the rite of 'Jatoon Toon' by circular rotation of worn out wicker exteriors of 'Kangri' and old wicker baskets of 'Phout' and 'Kranjul'.

The Shivratri rituals are an amazing blend of multi splendoured traditions, myriad religious attitude, varied devotional pursuits and enormous reverence for the most favoured God and Ist Dev Lord Shiva, asserted Sh. Maharaja Krishan Handoo, a native of Achabal Adda, main town Anantnag and now putting up at Anand Nagar Bohri Jammu sharing the cherished memories of the festival of yester years, he disclosed that ahead of the festival, the house was readied for the most momentous occasion by smearing the entire house with a mixture of clay, water and cowdung. The clay required for it was specially collected from the sacred hillock shrine of the  'Tutlai Baal' of Nagbal Anantnag.

The 'livun hur' or the fabric used, for the cleanliness cum purifactory act of 'livun' had necessarily to be preserved in a contanier before it's subsequent immersion in the flowing waters of vitasta river. It was in accordane with the family belief to safeguard the wholesome sacredness of the purifactory act of 'livun'. Expanding his conversation, he also informed that 'Vatuk' consisted of thirteen items of a 'Gagar', number of 'Katories', two bronze tumblers, two Rattandeeps' in addition to a conch and a hand ringing bell or 'ghanta'. The pooja untensils were taken to the Nagbal for getting them filled up with water. The ladies of the household would drape themselves in new dress and wear 'athhoor' in the ears before undertaking the said ritual. It is akin to the must wear requirement of wedding finery during the auspicious and eventful occasions of weddings etc. A combination of seven different types of drug pulses namely mazie, mooong, maha masoor, rajmah, channa and peas mixed together was a family specific ritualistic offering to the 'Bhairav Doul'. The said offering was known by the local name of 'Sut Sous'.

In addition to it 'cooked rice along with a rice flour 'chochivor' was put in an earthen sacucer shaped 'Toke', which was seated on a grass woven base 'Aaer'. A few unwashed and uncooked meat pieces put into the 'Toke' amidst pooja was an extra sacrifical  offering. An unusual and unique family 'reeth' also ordained that motifs of flowers and leaves were elegentaly carved out on the lime white washed side walls of the main door of the house on the Shivratri day. It is synonymous with the custom of the 'Krool Kharun' on the front door wall area of the house on the weddnig occasions. The said floral illustrations were also drawn on the lime water smeared back side wall of the 'Vatuk Kuth', which had an array of pooja utensils of 'Vatuk' installed in the front. It undeniably symbolises a feeling of heightened delight and cheer besides it being a recognisable sign of welcome on the aupsicious occasion of celestial weddnig of the Divine couple of Lord Shiva and Jagatmatta Goddess Parvati. It is in harmony with a sidespread belief that Godess Parvati is the divine daughter of the Satidesh Kashmir.

The above ritual bears a close resemblance with the reproduction of a specific carvings marked on the wall of the ceremonial room of the wedding function of 'Divgoan', which are knwon in Kashmiri as 'Divtimoen'. As per one more uncommon family reeth, it was requried to sanctify the 'Vatuk Kuth' before commencement of the Shivratri pooja by sprinkling water drops with a twig of an indigenous wild herb locally known as 'Bubrikath', which was dipped in a water container. The said ritual is also synonymous with a custom of same nature locally called 'Laev dieni' performed during  the wedding functions and the other such events of auspicious nature. The utilised pooja material and restulting 'Nirmaal' was deposited after midnight usually at the base of a nearby tree, preferably a fruit bearing one during the custom of 'Purmujan' on Shivratri. An oil lit clay lamp was also required to burn uninterruptedly right from the Shivratri pooja upto the next day of 'Salam'. The final 'Visurjun' pooja of Doon Mavus was performed in the evening on the Vitasta ghat.

Interestingly on 'Doon Mavus' the used grass 'Arie', 'Vusir', Mouli, used flowers and the left over pooja material was wrapped up in dry grass, giving it a shape of spherical ball. It was subsequently floated in the Vitasta river after an oil lit clay lamp, and lighted 'dhoop' and incense sticks were placed on it. The knock at the door ritual of 'Thuk Thuk' was performed with a minor variation that all the good things of life were symbolically bestowed by the daughter-in-law instead usually done by elderly lady of the family. On Tila Ashtami, oil lit earthen lamps were placed at the four corner's of the house, the pathway lane leading to the house, the potable water source like a well or water tap the adjacent road intersection called 'chowk' and the 'Thokur Kuth'.

The placement of the oil lit lamps as such also display an unusual variance in the relation to the widespread practice prevalent in most of the households.

 

PART XI

The wide spread of the diverse Shiv-ratri rituals and customs reflects the elegant and wondrous confluence of various and distinct influences acquired over the times, asserted Sh Avtar Krishan Koul an original resident of Purshiyar, Habbakadal Srin-agar and now putting up at ORT Complex Purkhoo Comp, Phase-I Jammu. Refreshing the festival related memories of the yore, he recalled that as a run-up to the festival, the house cleansing followed by mud smearing of the whole house would commence on Phagun Krishan Paksh Pratipadha, locally known as 'Hur Oakdoh'.

Similarly, the customary washing of the outfits was done on Phagun Krishan Paksh Shasti or 'Hur Shayam'. In conjuction with the family, 'reeth', the 'Vatuk' comprised one clay, 'Nout', one 'Doul' (Bhairav Doul) and 'Doulij' (Resh Doulij', two small 'Doulji, one 'choud' designated as 'Ram Goud', two 'Suniwari, two Muchiwari, two 'Sanipatul' (one used for pooja and the second one was seated with the 'Vatak', utensils. They were brought home on the specific day of 'Dhyara Dahum' i.e. Phagun Krishan Paksh Dushmi.

They were ushered inside the house amidst the traditioinal 'Aalath' i.e. waving around of a water filled vessel having a few rice grains and a coin put inside it. The 'Aalath' was performed at the main enterance door of the house. A day prior to Shivratri, a clay utensil designated as 'Ram Goud' was installed by seating it on the backside space of the mud hearth, locally known as 'Dhaan' in the kitchen room. The rite was performed usually in the evening after 'Vusur' was tied to its rim and it was seated on a grass woven base called 'Aarie'. The combined vegetarian dish of 'hakh and nadru', 'nadir churma' and cooked rice along with 'argh' and flowers were put into 'Ram Goud' amidst an elaborate pooja. Interestingly enough, on Shivratri, the ritualitic meat dishes were those of 'roganjosh', 'kelya', 'muja-gaeda' and 'demni-nadru'. The pooja utensils of 'Vatuk' were filled-up with water at the yarbal ghat of Purshiyar. On the next day of 'Salam' morning pooja was performed for 'Nout' and 'Ram Goud'.

In confirmity with the family 'reeth', the 'Doon Mavus' pooja was performed first at the 'yarbal ghat' and then at the 'Vatak Kuth' but curiously enough the 'knock at the door' ritual of 'Thuk Thuk' was omitted.

However, though on the 'Doon Mavus', the embellishment of Vusir', 'mouli' and 'aarie' etc. were untied but curously enough they were deposited in the river only on 'Hur Ashtami'. Out of eight oil lit mud lamps, one each was placed at home, connecting lane, lane corners, yarbal ghat and one was floated in the flowing waters of the river. The Shivratri rituals are riveting evocation of long and remarkable socio-religious journey of our community. They are outcome of specific beliefs, convictions, social patterns and taboos and are interlaced with insightful meanings, articulated Smt. Meenawati Watt Pandit, an original inhabitant of the village Hall, district Pulwama and now residing at Indra Nagar Srinagar. The 'Vagur' and 'Vatak' utensils were filled up with water at the bank of Lar riverlet, a tributary of Rambara stream. In conformity with the family 'reeth', the ritualistic offerings to the 'Bhairav Doul' were cooked liver (Churvun), cooked cheese and vegetables and not the usual meat dishes. She also disclosed that in tune with an unusual and exceptionally rare family custom, the 'Parmuzan' of only 'Vagur' was done on 'Doon Mavus' and not that of of 'Vatuk' as is usually done in majority of the households. Accordingly only water of the pooja utensils was replaced with fresh one on 'Doon Mavus' and actual 'Mavus' pooja was performed on Phagun Krishan Paksh Dashmi at the yarbal ghat of Lar streamlet. On  'Tila Ashtami', oil lit mud lamps were placed, one each at the house corridor passage called 'Vuz', courtyard, cowdung heap and the stream bank. The ritual of 'Thuk Thuk' likewise was performed on 'Dashmi' instead of the usual 'Amavasya' and the auspicious things were symbolically granted by an elderly lady of the household. The family would also perform 'Jatoon Toon' on the evening of the said day. It was also revealed that apart from cash, the potter was also given rice in the willow wicker container, locally called 'Phout', in which the 'Vatak' utensils had been carried by him.

The multilayered complexity of the festival rituals represents an amalgamation of many socio-cultural influences of bygone eras, declared Mrs Dhanwati Khan, an original inhabitant of the village Hall, district Pulwama and now residing at Indranagar Srinagar. During an interaction, it was revealed that on Phagun Krishan Paksh Duvadashi i.e. 'Vagur Bah', uncooked reddish slices and an uncooked and uncleared small fish variety called 'gurun' were family specific traditional offerings to the designated pooja utensils of 'Vagur'. It was obligatary to procure and offer 'gurun' even in overwhelming odds of harsh clime.

On Shivratri, the traditional offering to the 'Bhairav Doul' was only cooked liver (Churvan) and interestingly enough the usual meat preparations were excluded from the offerings. However, strangely enough separate pooja was offered to the sacrificial offering of an uncut and unwashed sheeps' lung in its' entirety having it's heart intact. After the pooja was over, it was kept on the roof top for the crows and the kites to feed on. The 'Doon Mavus' pooja was performed at the village streamlet called  'Lar' but the widely prevalent custom of 'Thuk Thuk' was not performed.

The Shivratri rituals reflect the grandeur and richness of our ceaseless devotion and symbolize the devotion personfied, remarked Smt. Arundati Ambardar, an original resident of the village Sombruna, Tehsil Shangus, district Anantnag and presently putting up at Muthi Jammu .During a detailed conversation, she narrated that as per the family 'reeth', the whole house was spruced up for the festival by though cleansing only on Phagun Krishan Paksh Suptami, while as it was obligatory to initiate and complete the ritual of 'livun' on the evening of the same day and not before that she also disclosed that piece of cloth used in the process of clay and water smearing, locally known as 'livun hur' had to be retained inside the house till the wee hours of the next day to it's subsequent disposal only at an uncontaminated place. The 'Vatuk' comprised one 'Nout', one Bhairav Doul, one Resh Doul, two 'Saniwari', one Sanipatul, one dupzoor and five flat bottomed saucer shaped earthenwares, called 'Toke'.

The pooja utensils were filled up with water at the village steam. The said ritual was strangely enough performed only by the male members of the family as participation of the ladies was not allowed. During the said ritual, an unusual and peculiar family reeth ordained that an eldest male family member would wrap a woollen blanket around his waist, locally known as 'Hoal Gandun'. It was also mandatory to keep a small axe locally called 'Makh' on the right side of the wrapped up woollen blanket at the level of the waist. It was also required to keep the head covered with a towel during the act of water filling. The subsequent entry inside the house was allowed only after the main entrance door was closed by an elderly lady of the house  and opened only after the 'knock at the door' ritual of 'Thuk Thuk' was performed. It is in sharp contrast with the other households, where the said ritual is performed usually on 'Doon Mavus'.

During the rite of 'Thuk Thuk', all the good things of life like health, wealth, rozgar and overall prosperity 'Soukh Savai' were symbolically granted by the male member standing outside the entrance door. The 'Doon Mavus' pooja was performed at the village stream bank.

The myriad hued mythical Shivratri rituals trace a magnificient and splendid journey of our socio-religious development and growth, opined Sh. Ravi Kumar Najawan, an erstwhile resident of the village Chek Chrathram, tehsil Pattan, district Baramulla and presently putting up at the ORT Complex Mishriwalla, Jammu. The festival related memories are indelibly imprinted in his mind. He nostalgically recalled that in accordance with his family reeth, the 'Vatuk' consisted of brass vessels of 'Gagar', Gudva', five Katoreez called 'Kuvli' and one 'Doul'. It is in contrast with the wide prevalent reeth of having only the clay utensils as 'Vatuk'. Among these vessals, the 'Gagar' was the symbolic representation of Lord Shiva, 'the Gudva' as that of the Goddess Parvati whileas the two 'Katoreez' stood for Lord Ganesh and Kumar. The Vatuk was filled up with water at the village stream. The vegetarian dishes as per the family reeth were the sacrificial offerings to the 'Bhairav Doul'.

As per an unusual reeth, hulva and puri were also an additional ritualistic offering to both the untensils of 'Gagar' and the 'Bhairav Doul'. It was also revealed by him that it was customary for one member of each family to participate in the Shivratri pooja of other households of the village. The puja as such would continue till the wee hours of the next day.

Sh. Ravi Kumar also disclosed that 'Vatak' pooja was performed not in the 'Vatak Kuth' but in a portion of the kitchen set a side  for it. The 'Doon Mavus' pooja was performed at home and not at the stream bank. However, the utilised and left over pooja material was collected and stored in a bucket for subsequent immersion in the village stream. On 'Ashtami', oil lit mud lamps were placed at the window shelf, store room, cowshed, the enterance stair base or 'brandh' and at the intersection of the roads called 'Chowk'. The rite of 'Jatoon Toon' was not performed.

The Shivtatri ambience to pray, worship and meditate, observed Sh. Bakshi Lal Kapoor, an erstwhile resident of the village chak Narayan Dass and now putting up at Muthi Jammu. The said village is a distance of about three kilometers from Chak Chrath Ram village. He disclosed that no sybmolic pooja of the utensils was performed. However, curiously enough in accordance with the family custom, 'parthishor' of Lord Shiva and the Goddess Parvati were made out of cooked rice. They were subsequently seated reverentially in a thali. Amidst elaborate pooja, the most relished dishes of meat and fish were ritualistically offered to the rice made symbolic substitutes of Lord Shiva and Goddess Parvati. An additional offering was that of an uncooked, uncleared, and undressed fish variety called as 'gurun'. On the subsequent day of 'Salam', they were immersed in the village stream. Accordingly no 'Doon Mavus' pooja was performed. Sh. Arjan Nath Kapoor, an original resident of the same village and at present residing at ORT complex Mishriwalla Jammu disclosed that Shivratri festival was celebrated by his family  in the same way. However there was a minor variation in the sense that only vegetarian dishes were the sacrificial offerings to the rice made 'Parthishar's of the Lord Shiva and the Goddess Parvati.

 

PART XII

The indigenous uniqueness and amazing diversity of the rituals have added grandeur, magnificence and richness to the Shivratri festival. They portray diverse and distinct phases within the dynamics of historical and cultural continuity of our existence, observed Sh. Rattan Lal Thussu, originally hailing from the village Karihama, district Kupwara and now a resident of Pounichak, Ghou Manhasa Jammu. Recollecting the festival related haunting memories of the yesteryears’, he recalled that prior to the festival, the potter would bring a whole lot of earthen cooking utensils along with the ‘Vatuk’. It was in consonance with the family belief that substitution of old cooking pots with the new one’s on the festival would usher in heightened prosperity and auspiciousness for the family. As a run-up to the main festival, the processes of house cleansing, dusting, customary ‘livun’ and washing of garments and bedding linen were undertaken from Phagun Krishan Paksh Pratipada i.e. ‘Hur Oakdoh’, which would continue upto ‘Hur Navami’. The ‘Hur Navami’ is locally known as ‘Tathji Navum’. Anysort, of cleansing act performed after ‘Tathji Navum’ was forbidden as it was regarded a sinful act.

It was also customary for all the daughters’-in-law to return to their in-laws on ‘Dyara dahum’ from their parental hmes after their customary bath, locally known as ‘Mus Chalun’. They would invariably bring individual cash called ‘Autgut’, salt ‘Hayrchie Kanger’, wooden footwear called Khrav’ and separate cash known as ‘Hayrchie bogh’. The festive ferver would commence on Phagun Krishna Paksh Duvadasham, i.e. ‘Vagur Bah’ with the reverential installing of an earthenware called ‘Choud’, two small sized earthenwares called ‘Varie’ and four wide mouthed clay pots, known locally as ‘Doulji’ in the ‘Vatak Kuth’ amidst elaborate pooja. The ‘Choud’, symbolic representation of the Goddess Parvati was embellished with ‘Vucir’, flowers and ‘mouli’. It was an lnie with a belief that a bride should have a decorous get-up and befitting wedding finery prior to the marriage ceremony as according to the local folklore, Goddess Parvati is said to be the divine daughter of Kashmir. Out of the four installed ‘Douljis’, three represented non-vegetarian ‘Bhairavs’ and the remaining one was said to symbolize the vegetarian one. Accordingly, the ritualistic offerings to the non-vegetarian ‘Douljis’ were cooked dishes of fish and meat, whileas uncooked raddish and milk were the designated offerings to the remaining vegetarian ‘Douljis’.

It was also revealed that back side wall of the ‘Vatuk Kuth’ infront of the Vatak utensils was given a lime coating over the previously done mud smearing. Afterwards, markings with Sindoor were made on this wall, which bore close resemblance to the act of ‘Divtae Moon’ of the marriage ceremony. On the evening of the main festival of ‘Hayrchie Truvah’, all the household inmates including male members and children would collectively accomplish the ritual of ‘Vatuk Kharun’ at the village stream. The vegetable dishes and yellow mixed cuisine of meat and turnip were the ritualistic offering to the ‘Bhairav Doulji’s. The blood of the slaughtered goat kept in an earthenwere ‘toke’ in the Vatak Kuth was an additional offering to the ‘Bhairav Doulji’ amidst pooja. On ‘Salaam’, the folk singers ‘Baand’ would invariably drop in to the accompaniment of folk tunes to add colour and gaiety to the festivities. On ‘Doon Mavus’, the family head would keep a fast and ‘Vatuk Parmujan’ was performed at the village stream ghat. All the embellishments like ‘Vucir’, ‘Mouli’, ‘Aarie’ and used flowers were collectively wrapped up in grass. It was subsequently floated in the flowing stream after a fresh flower garland and an oil lit earthen lamp and burned dhoop were placed on it as a mark of send off.

After replenishing the Vatak utensils with fresh water, an elderly lady of the household would cut the flowing water of the stream seven times with a knife. Afterwards stretching her hands upwards, she would make circular movements seven times on the village stream bank, probably as an expression of thankfulness on the satisfactory completion of the major part of the festival. It has a striking resemblance with the ritual of ‘Vigie Nachun’ performed by the ladies on the wedding and Yegnopavit functions in honour of bridegrooms. Interestingly enough, the ‘Vucir’, and mouli embellishments of both Nout and Choud were not untied but retained and both the utensilswere again seated in the Vatak Kuth at their respective positions upto Tila Ashtami. The said reeth of retaining the pooja utensils of Nout and Choud upto Tila Ashtami was followed widely in a earlier times in our households but presently only a few families have preserved this ritual. Both the utensils were replenished with fresh water everyday in the morning. It was followed with pooja, of walnut, kernels and rice flour rotis i.e. Tomla cooking etc. could follow only after it. It was idsallowed to take tea or food before the observance of this ritual upto Tila Ashtami Sh. Thusu also divulged that it was forbidden to clean the rooms and kitchen by sweeping with a broom upto upto Tila Ashtami.

It was in accordance with a belief that house had been graced with the divine steps of the deities and celestial ‘Baratis’ on the Shivratri. As such it was a sinful act to desecrate and defile the divine step marks by a broom. Accordingly the dusting of the rooms and the kitchen was done with a clean cloth piece. Afterwards the gathered dustand dirt was scattered in the owner’s kitchen garden, orchards and the paddy fields as it was thought to give bounteous production and yield. On the Ashtami, five earthen lamps having a few black sesame seeds were oil lit in the ktichen after cooked rice was kept in front of them. They were afterwards placed at the village stream bank and not in the rooms. The ritual of ‘Jatoon Toon’ was not performed.

The distinct and divergent festival related rituals unmistakably have the resonance of finest traditions of our indigenous belief system, stated Sh. Avtar Krishan Ganjoo, a resident of the village Soibug, Budgam, who continues to stay there. As per his family, reeth, the decorative embellishments like ‘Vucir’ and Mouli etc are tied to the Vatak utensils not in the Vatak Kuth but at the village stream bank. The ritualistic offerings to the Bhairav Doul are the usual meat preparations. The Resh Doul is not a part of the pooja utensils. The ritual of Thuk Thuk is not performed.

The Shivratri customs rooted in ancient edifice aid to consolidate and strengthen our religious beliefs. They need to be preserved for posterity and should not be relegated to corners of memory, articulated Sh. Vesh Nath Bhat, hailing from the village Magam, Budgam and presently putting up at Gandhi Nagar, Jammu.

Recollecting the festival of yore, he disclosed that house was readied to welcome the divine guests from ‘Hur Oakdoh onwards, It would signal the start of tasks of cleaning and ‘livun’ of the house, which would continue upto first three day’s. The subsequent day’s of ‘Hur Chorum’ and ‘Hur Panchum’ were set aside for washing of clothes. After Hur Ashtami, washing of clothes, sweeping of romos and washing of hair by the womenfolk was disallowed. As per the family custom, on Hur Ashtami, the side walls of the main door of the house were afresh smeared with a mix of clay, cowdung and water, which was subsequently whitewashed with lime. Latteron distinctive motifs of creeping plants with leaves and flowers were drawn on it. The said ritual similar to ‘Krool Kharun’ act of wedding ceremony was accomplished before sunset. On Vagur Bah, the earthen untensil designated as ‘Vagur’ and two small sized vessels called ‘Varie’ were reverentially installed in the kitchen and not in the Vatak Kuth. The ritualistic dish was cooked fish. The Vatuk comprised two Nouts or Gagers’, two doulji and two Saniewari, apart from a soniepatul and dhoopjoor. They were filled up with water at the village stream. Their entry into the house was welcomed by ‘Aaluth’ performed by the youngest daughter-in-law, who had donned new clothes and worn a new ‘Athhoar’. It was also required to cover the head and right shoulder with a new towel or a new cloth piece during the performance of ‘Aaluth’. The panthenon of meat dishes were the ritualistic offerings to the Bhairav Doul amidst pooja. The Vatak parmujan was performed not at the home but unusually at the village stream only after inidnight after all the house inmates had slept as no one could step-out of the house afterwards. On the morning of the ‘Salaam’, the elderly lady of the house would utter the word ‘Poshte’ infront of the mud hearth known locally as ‘Dhaan’ after her entry in the kitchen room. Before cooking meals, it was obligatory on her part to prepare ‘Moughil Chai’, also known as ‘Kahwa’, which was laced with saffron, crushed almonds, elachi and dalchin. It was known as ‘Mubarak Chai’, which was required to be taken by all the family members including children at the first instant. The Doon Mavus pooja was performed in the Vatak Kuth and not at the stream bank.

On Tila Ashtami, 15 to 20 oil lit earthen lamps were kept in all the rooms, ‘Brandh’, courtyard wall, courtyard and the stream bank, care being taken to face them towards east. The Shivratri rituals multilayered with insightful meanings represent a majestic confluence of telling influences, affirmed Sh. Radha Krishan Nazar a resident of the village Sallar, district Anantnag, who continues to live at his native village. He disclosed that rite of livun was completed before Suptami and on the night of Hur Ashtami they would engage themselves with nightlong Jagrun and congregational prayers at the village temple. The Vatak utensils brought by the potteress earlier were stored outside the house in the store room, locally known as ‘Kuich’. They were ushered inside the house amidst the ceremonial ‘Aaluth’ only in the morning of Vagir Bah and not before that. The Vatuk comprised one Nout, five Varie, five Doulji, one Saipatul, a big sized clay, lamp, on ‘gudva’, one Thali and one ‘Khoas’. The delicious vegetarian recipes of Dal-nadru, hakh and cheese were the ritualistic offerings to both the Bhairav and Resh Doulji. The Vatuk parmujan was performed at the streamghat not on Amavasya but on Phagun Shukla Paksh Pratipadha i.e. Oakdoh. The ritual of the knock at the door ‘Thuk Thuk’ was observed.

The walnuts were distributed in the neighbourhood n the same evening. Any inordinate delay in the distribution of ‘naveed’ was abhorred and looked with the disgust. On the day of Salaam, it was customary for all the family members to remain stationed at home to ensure wholesale hospitality and welcome to the guests and well-wishers, who would drop-in to offer greetings.

 

PART XIII

The Shivratri festival rich in symbolism and metaphors represents a ritual canvas of contrasts, which celebrates a rich legacy of mythology, culture and social history of Kashmir, affirmed Smt. Basanti Hakchar, originally a resident of the village Trehgam district Kupwara and presently putting up at Janipur, Jammu. Reminiscing about the festival celebrations of the yesteryears, she divulged that the house hummed with the festival related activities on Phagun Krishan Paksh Duvadashi or 'Vagur Bah' with the reverntial installation of an earthenware named 'Doulij' usually in the morning. The ritualistic offerings to the 'Vagur' amidst religious invocations were leavened chapatis' locally called 'phulka', a kind of sweetened fried puri  and fried fish. However, the offering of fried fish has now been substituted by fried nadru slices called 'nadir churma' after displacement. The said offering to the 'Vagur' is made in the morning to the accompaniment of pooja and recitation of Shiv Mahmnapar in which all the family members participate. Continuing further, she disclosed that on the morning of Shivratri, the 'Vagur' was emptied of its ritualistic offerings at the village rivulet. In the evening, the earthen pot of 'Nout' is filled up with walnuts and water. Afterwards, cooked rice is mixed with ghee, milk and 'Vatak Masala'. The Shivling or Parthishor made out of it is worshipped amidst recitation of 'Mahimnapar'. The ritualistic offerings made to it are leavened rotis called 'phulka', a kind of sweetened oil fried roti called locally as 'naej', backed rice flour rotis' called 'tomlavoer' and fried pieces of sheep's liver, locally known as 'churvan'. All these offerings are also taken as 'naveed' by the family members and the rest is distributed among near kith and kin. Apart from the walnuts, the naveed also includes delectable meat preparations and cooked fish. The Shivratri festival is a colourful tapestry of different customs and sacred commitments having acquired diverse settings in bygone times, opined Sh. MK Kapoor, an erstwhile resident of Safakadal Srinagar and now putting up at Anand Nagar Bohri Jammu. He revealed that on Shivratri, walnuts and water are put in a brass untensil 'Gagar' instead of the earthen pitcher 'Nout'.

The ritualistic offering to it are milk, Vatak, masala and Sugar Candy 'Kand'. Additionally pooja is also performed for 'Parthishor' made out of clay, which in earlier times was procured from Shankracharya hill. Presently as a substitute, 'Parthishor' is made out of water chestnut flour, locally known as 'garioat'. The meat preparations and vegetable dishes are the ritualistic offerings to it instead of the usual 'Bhairav doul'. The ritual of knock at the door, known as 'thuk thuk' is performed on 'Doon Mavus' at the home. On Tila Ashtami, eight oil lit lamps are placed, one each at the main door entrance courtyard, connecting lane of the house and the road crossing. There carefully nurtured and painstakingly preserved Shivratri rituals moored in medieval origin make Shivratri a brand festival of Kashmir, spoke Sh. KK Raina, an originally resident of the village Goshbug, tehsil Pattan, district Baramulla and presently settled at Durga Nagar, Jammu.

Recapping the festival of earlier times, he recalled that 'Vatuk' comprised of earthen Nout, Choud, Doulji and two Saniewari. Extra Saniewaris were added as per the number of children in the family. Only the 'Nout' and 'Choud' were taken to the village stream called 'Darjin' by the ladies of the house on their heads or shoulders. The said stream was about one km. away from his home. All the male members and children of the household would also participate in the ritual of 'Vatuk barun' at the village stream. Only eldest male member of the family who had undertaken the fast, locally known as 'Yezmun' was required to remain in the house. He would perform 'aalath' on the entry of water filled Vatak utensils at the main entry door of the house. It is at complete variance with the reeth in most of the houses where the said act is performed by a female member of the house. Sh. Raina also recalled that all the old grass woven floorings locally known as 'Vagiv' and 'Pautji' were discarded and substituted by new one's.

The entire path of the ground floor corridor locally known as 'Vuz' and the connecting stairs into Vatak Kuth were also required to be covered with dry grass to welcome the entry of water filled 'Vatuk' in the house. It bears a striking resemblance with the welcome gesture of earlier times displayed at the time of Kashmiri marriages, where in the  connecting lane upto bride's house was covered with coloured wood saw dust on the day of marriage. The bridegroom and his accompanying baraat would walk down on the decorated path as a token of regality and royal privilege. In accordance with the culinary culture of Kashmir, the most celebrated dishes of meat and vegetables were the ritualistic offerings to the 'Bhairav Doul'. A sheep was collectively purchased by the Pandit households of the village for the purpose of meat. As a part of the celebrations, the children would play the indoor game of 'Harun Gindun' with the sea shells for one week upto 'Salaam', but strongly enough the family elders would not participate in it during the said time. However, in accordance with an unusual and unfamiliar custom of the Pandit households of the village, at least one male member of each family had to assemble in a prefixed house on the day of 'Doon Mavus'. They were required to participate in an indoor game of even and odd with the walnuts.

The said game was known by the local name of 'Juf and Taak'. Each Pandit household would contribute fifty walnuts for it. As per the game rule, each participant by turns would grasp the stockpiled walnuts with both the hands. If the grasped walnuts turned out to be in odd number, the said participant was entitled to own the said number of walnuts. In case, if it turned out to be even number the game would pass on to the next participant. The game would continue till the exhaustion of the stockpiled walnuts. On the day of 'Salaam' in addition to the neighbours and friends, the iron smith, the potter, the village tailor, the carpenter, the milk vendor and the 'Kashkar's' would invariably drop-in to offer Shivratri greetings. As a token of auspiciousness or 'Shagun', each one of them would bring a knife, cooking earthen utensil or 'laej', a reel of thread and needle, wooden footwear known as 'Khrav, curd filled clay pot and a handfull of almonds and cardamom respectively. The folk singer 'ladishah' would also invariably drop in on the day of 'Salaam' to add colour to the symphony of festive celebrations.

The 'Doon Mavus' was performed collectively on the rivulet bank. After pooja ladies would exchange the walnut kernels as 'naveed' among themselves at the rivulet ghat itself. It would signal the subsequent distribution of walnuts and rice flour rotis' 'chochiver' usually in odd number. It is in contrast with the more prevalent practice of distribution of walnuts with the leavened rotis' called 'phulkas'. 'The ritual of knock at the door of 'Thuk Thuk' was not observed. On Tila Ashtami, oil lit earthen lamps, one each was kept at cattle shed, paddy storage room, cowdung heap and charcoal ash pile, while as one lamp was floated in the rivulet.

The Shviratri festival is a majestic community festival and an eventful occasion of month long celebrations. It is the only festival, where a visit to one's home for participation in the festivities is a must do for every individual, stated Sh. Jagar Nath Handoo, an erstwhile resident of the village Hanand Chowalgam, district Kulgam and now putting up at Bantalab Jammu. Recalling the foul memories of the festival in earlier times, he divulged that flurry of cleanliness related activities would commence on 'Hur Oakdoh' i.e. Phagun Krishan Paksh Pretipadha.

In conformity with his family specific custom or 'reeth', the piece of cloth material employed for mud smearing of the house locally known as 'liven hur' was not dispossessed off but retained for the act of mud smearing or 'livun' for the entire year. As per his family belief its' retention and subsequent sense would ensure plentiful of auspiciousness, prosperity and overall well being for the ensuing year. He also recalled that as per his family lore, the governing deity of scrupulous purity and home cleanliness known as 'Hur Raza' was given final good bye on 'Hur Ashtami' in the form of token mud smearing of kitchen, the most pious areas of the house and stepping stair slab of the main entry door, locally known as 'Brandh'. Sh. Handoo also informed that potter would bring the earthen Vatak utensils only on pre ascertained auspicious timing or 'muharut'. The Vatuk would comprise thirteen items of 'nout', choud, eight small sized pitchers called 'Varie', one Bhairav Doul apart from Sonipatul and Dupzoor. The notable omission was that of Resh Doul.

The Vatak untensils were filled up with water at the village 'Doelradh' stream. It was customary for all the family members to participate in the act of 'Vatak Barun'. The side walls and upper portion of the main entry door of the house were decorated with the coloured motifs of a creeper plant with its' accompanying tender shoots and associated leaves and flowers. The said act was known as 'Krool Kharun' and it was accomplished on the day of the 'Vatak Barun'. The sacrificial offerings to the Bhairav Doul were meat preparations and 'Sutsoas' comprising barley (Vushka), twigs of a native herb of 'Babur', moong,  rajmah, maha, masoor and channa pulses. On Doon Amavasya, the Vatuk was not taken to the stream but instead the decorative assemblages like mouli, vucir etc. were untied in the 'Vatak Kuth' itself. They were collected in a utensil and then consigned to the flowing water of the village stream. Instead of the earthen lamps, eight lamps were made out of kneaded rice flour. They were oil lit and subsequently placed one each at the main entry door of the house, locally known as 'Dass', cowdung and charcoal ash heaps, courtyard wall, the connecting lane and the stream bank. The act of 'Jatoon toon' was not performed.

The Shivratri rituals are our social-cultural relics, which bestow an ethno-religious identity to us. The celebration of a festival outside the homeland gives an emotional and sentimental comfort cum contentment. The celebration is also a remembrance of our original geography, locale and native land. It confers a sense of belonging to the community in displacement. It is our collective responsibility and duty to stay faithfully with our time tested rituals for they are distinctly linked with the uniqueness of our identity.

 

PART XIV

The rituals are articles of faith unlimited which not only invigorate but also consolidate our socio-religious structure. There is an overriding need not only for their continued observance but also for preservation, spoke Sh. ML Ganjoo,  an original resident of the village Frisal, district Kulgam and presently putting up at Jawahar Nagar Talab Tillo Jammu.

Speaking on a nostalgic note, he divulged that as per his family belief the presiding deity of ‘Hur’, locally known as ‘Hur Raza’ is invoked to move inside the house on the ‘Hur Oakdoh’ i.e. Phagun Krishna Pakash  Pratipadha. The ‘Hur Raza’ is said to stay inside the house upto ‘Hur Ashtami’. It is in tandem with this belief that Hur Oakdoh signals the process of house cleansing followed by the ceremonial ‘livun’. As per, his family belief, the last ceremonial ‘livun’ of the ‘Brandh’ and the connecting corridor ‘Vuz’ was performed on ‘Hur Ashtami’. It would mark the symbolic send off to the ‘Hur Raza’. He also revealed that it was obligatory for his family to cook ‘Taher’ on Hur Oakdoh, which was offered to Maha Ganesh Thapna to seek His blessings for a hassle free conclusion of the Shivratri festival. He revealed that in accordance with an unfamiliar ritual, his family is required to install a flat bottomed brass untensil locally known as ‘Toor’ on a grass woven ‘Aarie’ in the Vatak Kuth on ‘Vagur Bah’. The ‘Toor’ is in place of the usually used earthen untensil of ‘Choud’. The ‘Chuchivoer’, vegetable dishes and cooked rice are the ritualistic offerings to it amidst pooja.

During the said pooja, it is customary to invoke the name of Shankpal Bhairav to seek His divine favour and blessings for the satisfactory completion of the festival. As per his family specific reeth, the Vatuk consisted of seven earthen untensils ‘Doulji’, two Machivarie, two Bhairav doul, one Resh doul, two Parva in the form of small sized earthen ‘Tokes’ in addition to the customary ‘Nout’ and ‘Choud’. During the rite of ‘Vatuk Barun’ at the village  stream, the eldest female member of the family would carry the ‘Nout’ on her right shoulder, whileas the youngest daughter-in-law and other accompanying family members would take care of the ‘choud’ and other pooja untensils respectively. New ‘Athhoar’s and new or washed outfits had to be worn by them before proceeding for the ritual of ‘Vatuk Barun’.

It was also binding for all of them to wear new grass woven footwear, locally known as ‘Pulhoar’ for the said ritual. An earthen ‘toke’ having rice, a coin and some salt was touched on the right shoulder of the family member carrying the ‘Nout’ before she would proceed for the rite of ‘Vatuk Barun’. It was locally known as ‘Zangi Youn’. Instead of the most favoured meat dishes, the ritualistic offerings to the ‘Bhairav doul’ were oil fried raddish chetni (Talith Mouj Chatin), combined dish of nadru and hakh, dumaloo and cheese.

The Vatuk Purmuzan was performed at the village stream and not in the courtyard. Interestingly enough, the vegetarian dishes were cooked again on the day of Salaam. In tune with the family reeth, the door of the ‘Vatak Kuth’ was ensured to remain closed tightly so that outsider’s imperfect gaze did not defile the sanctimonious nature of the Vatak Kuth, when the friends and neighbours would drop in to offer Shivratri greetings on the day for Salaam. The Doon Mavus pooja was performed at the village stream ghat. The ritual of the knock at the door ‘Thuk Thuk’ was also observed. However, during the said rite, apart from the usual ‘aan, dhaan, daulut, aai, batta and rozgar, it was also customary to symbolically grant bhakti, shanti, dharam and karam to the house inmates by the female head of the family. On Tila Ashtami, instead of the ready made lamps, earthen lamps were made at home, which were sun dried. In the morning black sesame seeds were put in each of them and they were oil lit. In the evening, each one of them was placed at the mud-hearth (dhaan), courtyard, cowshed, charcoal ash heap and the shrine of Maha Ganesh. The act of Jatoon toon was also performed. The rituals are endorsement acts of ancient thought and mystifying wisdom, which are sacred to many cultures for they breathe life in the socio-religious life, observed Sh. Vesh Nath Jyotshi Bhat, an original resident of Bijbehara, district Anantnag and now putting up at Talab Tillo Jammu. The festival is a walk into the yesteryears for him. Refreshing the memories of the yore, he recalled that his family would engage themselves in the night long signing of bhajans and ‘leelas’ right from Hur Ashtami to Ekadashi as according to the local folk lore, Hur Ashtami is akin to ‘Mus Muchravun’ custom of the marriage ceremony. He also disclosed that there was no ceremonial installation of the ‘Vagur’ on the Vagur Bah.

But instead on the evening of ‘Vagur Bah’, a flat bottomed spherical wooden container, locally known as ‘Tathul’ was filled up with rice. A few dry walnuts and a coin were placed on it. A symbolic offering of it was made in the pooja room. The said ritual was known by the local name of ‘Munsavun’. Sh. V.N. Jytoshi Bhat further revealed that the rite of ‘Vatak Barun’ was performed at the Vitasta Ghat. It was usually performed either by a newly wed daughter-in-law or a youngest one. On the day of the Shivratri, the back side wall of the Vatak Kuth facing the pooja utensils was whitewashed. A motif of a creeper with accompanying leaves and flowers was drawn on it. In addition to it, the religious motif of ‘Swastika’ was also sketched on the one side of the wall by Varmillion. The meat and vegetable preparations, cooked fish and cheese mixed with rice were the sacrificial offerings to the Bhairav Doul. A mixture of seven different kinds of dry pulses of moong chana, razmah, masoor, maha, sayobeen and dry peas was the tributory offering to the Resh doul. It was known as ‘Sutsoas’ in the local language. An oil lit earthen lamp was ensured to remain burning throughout the night of Shivratri in the Vatak Kuth.

The ‘Doon Mavus’ pooja was performed at the Vitasta ghat. The ritual of ‘Thuk Thuk’ was also performed. In addition to the performance of the act of ‘Jatoon Toon’. Eeah of the participating child would bring his share of the dry hay bundle. They were placed in the upright position and then put on fire.

The rituals and customs facilitate our journey through the cherished memories of the festival as their resonance permeates from the past to the present times, observed Sh. Pushkar Nath Raina, an erstwhile resident of the village Lahiryal, tehsil Tral, district Pulwama and now putting up at Manorma Vihar, Bohri Jammu. Rocollecting the fond memories of the celebration at his native place, he recalled that soil used for the act of livun was specially procured from adjacent Malpur village as it’s soil was known for it’s fine quality due to its’ powdery and granular texture. The Hur Oakdoh would herald the cleansing process of dusting, sweeping of the rooms, washing of clothes and the act of livun, which would continue upto Hur Suptami. In tune with the family specific reeth, the entire area right from the side corridor ‘Vuz’ to the Vatak Kuth would undergo the final act of ‘livun’ on Hur Ashtami. On ‘Vagur Bah’, one earthen untensil of Choud was installed in the Vatak Kuth amidst pooja and ‘Vashdaev’.

There was no reeth for the preparation of dishes. In accordance with an unusual family reeth, a wide mouthed earthen utensil ‘Doul’ was placed ahead of the ‘Nout’ in the Vatak, Kuth. The ‘Vatuk’ comprising the earthen utensils of ‘Nout, choud, two large sized Varie, two Saniwari, two Khaterpals’, one Sanipatul and a ‘Dupzoor’ were brought in by the potter on the Vagur Bah.

The act of ceremonial ‘Aalath’ was not performed. The act of ‘Vatuk Barun’ was undertaken only after all the participating family members had taken a bath and donned new or washed clothes. It was also customary for them to wear freshly woven grass footwears ‘Pullhoar’ or the new wooden foot-wear ‘Khrav’ before proceeding for the ritual for ‘Vatuk Barun’, which was necessarily performed at the village stream bank. All the family members of participating in the said act had to undertake a fast on the day of Shviratri, to be broken only after the festival related pooja was over. The ritualistic offerings to the Bhairav Doul were the favourite dishes of meat, fish, vegetate cuisines of palakh, vostahakh, muja chakal, hak, dum-mounji and a special dish of dry apricots.

Sh. Raina also divulged that his family had an unfamiliar reeth underwhich, the entrails or the innards of the fish were placed on a grass woven ‘Aarie’ infront of the ‘Parthishor’ during the pooja. It formed a separate sacrificial offering. It was known by the local name of ‘Tipun Aaer’. A piece of uncooked sheep’s lung kept on an earthen ‘Toke’ was an additional offering. On the morning of the Salaam, the ‘Tipun Aaer’ was kept on the roof top for the birds to feed upon. The ‘Purmuzan’ after the Shivratri pooja was done in the courtyard at the base of a fruit tree, preferably an walnut tree. Extending his conversation, Sh Raina disclosed further that his family had an additional remarkably uncommon reeth. In agreement with this reeth, all the utensils containing the cooked vegetarian and meat dishes had to be shifted from the kitchen to the Vatak Kuth after the house inmates had taken their evening meals on the day of Shivratri. It also included the utensil having cooked rice. They were retained in the kitchen for the whole night under a belief that the Bhairav and the divine Baraati’s night relish these dishes in the privacy and seclusion of the night according to their individual tasteful liking and choice. All the said utensils had to be shifted back to the kitchen on the morning of Salaam. It was also disclosed that a portion of the rice and all the dishes cooked on the day of Shivratri had to be retained for about a week. From Salaam onwards, all the family members had necessarily to take an admixture of the said previously cooked dishes including rice as a ‘Naveed’ before partaking their morning and evening meals for about a week. It was due to the assumption that they may have got sanctified and consecrated by the divine touch of the Bhairav and the divine Baraatis’ All the dishes on the Shviratri day had essentially to be cooked in the earthen untensils as in addition to being spotlessly clean, they were also supposed to enhance the distinctive taste and flavour for the prepared dishes. One more uncommon reeth required one of the family member to sleep in the Vatak Kuth not on the night of Shviratri but on the night of Salaam. It was necessitated by a family believe that presence of a family member in the Vatak Kuth on the Shivratri night may cause disturbance to the divine Baraatis’ who might visit the pooja room to take meals in the aloofness and solitude of the night. The Doon Mavus pooja was performed at the adjacent Khandvav stream ghat. All the family members were required to participate in it.

During the said pooja two chochivar’s were the offernigs to the flowing water of the Khandvav stream, while as the third one was kept on the stream bank. The distribution of walnuts as naveed in the neighbourhood was completed immediately after the Doon Mavus pooja was over. The ritual of knock at the door i.e. Thik Thuk was observed. However during the ritualistic conversation in reply to the symbolic inquiry of ‘Kous Chuv’, the reply was that of ‘Rani Braer’ instead of the most frequently used answer of ‘Ram Broar’. The ritual of ‘Jatoon Toon’ was also observed.

 

Navreh - The New Year of Kashmiri Hindus


By Upender Ambardar

FESTIVALS are windows to our culture.  'Navreh'--the festival of New Year for Kashmiri Pandits reflects their age-old social, ethnic, cultural and religious ethos and ushers them into the freshness of the New Year.

'Navreh', the first day of the Saptrishi Samvat of the lunar year marks the start of the New Year for Kashmiri Pandits. It is also the first day of the Basant or spring and 'Navratras'. It proclaims the advent of spring season, 'Sonth' in Kashmir. 'Navreh'-the festival of the New Year is celebrated on Chaitra Shukla Paksh Pratipadha, the first day of the bright fortnight of Chaitra (March-April).

The momentous festival of 'Navreh' finds a special mention in the 'BrahmaPurana'. According to it, the whole universe was created by the Lord Brahma on the first day of Chaitra Shukla Paksh Pratipadha i.e. day of 'Navreh'. As per the 'Matsya Purana', one of the eighteen Puranas of Hindus', Lord Vishnu, the God of preservation among the Trinity is believed to have incarnated, as 'Matsya' avatar on the earth on the day of 'Navreh'. The festival of 'Navreh' also signifies the start of 'Satya Yug', the first of the four golden eras of Hindus. 'Navreh' has historical significance as it signals the initiation of 'Vikram Samvat' to commemorate and memorialize the victory and triumph of famous king of golden era of Indian history, ChandraGupt Maurya over 'Shakas'. 'Navreh' is the day, when the new almanac, an annual calendar of months and days with astronomical data and other related information starts for the new Hindu calendar year.

Navreh heralds the arrival of soothy season of spring when fresh life becomes evident from fields to forests with new foliage, blossoms and riot of colours in the form of flowers making their presence felt everywhere. Yamberzal or Narcissus poeticus, having white coloured petals and yellow stamens is a beautiful and sweet scented flower, which is frequently spotted from meadows to gardens. It is one of the early flowers, which announces the arrival of 'Sonth' in Kashmir. Similarly, the appealing flowers of Primula Rosea, Primulla elliptical and Primula denticulata also make their appearance immediately after the snow melts in Kashmir.

Likewise, the early migratory birds of 'Phemb-Seer' (Paradise Flycatcher), 'Poshnool' (Golden Oriole), 'Kukil' (Ring-Dove), 'Katij' (common swallow), 'Tsini Hangur (Himalayan Sterling) and 'Sheen-pipin' or Doeb-Bai (Pied-Wagtail) also proclaim the advent of 'Sonth' in Kashmir through their melodious notes.

As such, the festival of 'Navreh' is a celebration of change of season, regeneration and fertility, a journey from cold to warmth, an escape from winter confinement to social communion and a beginning for new lease of life everywhere.

The celebration of this joyous day in the medieval times also finds mention in'Kitabul Hind', a book written by a renowned foreign voyager Al Beruni. According to him, the month of Chaitra denotes festivities for the natives of Kashmir on account of the victory gained by an ancient Kashmiri King Muttai over the Turks. In the words of celebrated historian Srivara, the Chaitra festival in ancient times in Kashmir was laced with enthusiasm and fervour to the accompaniment of lighting and merriment everywhere.

'Navreh' also marks the time to bid 'adieu' to harsh and severe winter and welcome season of spring when multitude generosity of Nature is visible everywhere. The display of new life in nature and invigorating ambience arouses hope and inspiration even in most brazen hearts.

Prior to the festival of 'Navreh', the family priest known as 'Kul Brahman' brings to every Kashmiri Pandit family, the almanace of the New Year known as 'Jantari or Panchang or Nachhipater' in Kashmiri. 'Nachhipater' is a derivation of Sanskrit word. 'Nakshetra Patri'. The Kul-Brahman also brings the 'Kreel Pach', which is an illustrated scroll usually having a picture of Goddess Saraswati or Goddess Sharika with a hymn in Her praise.

On the night prior to Navreh, an elderly lady of the Pandit household fills a big thali with rice. On this rice filled thali, various items like walnuts (in odd numbers usually five or seven), paddy (as per family 'reeth'), a piece of bread (usually 'Kulcha'), a lump of cooked rice, a pen, an inkpot and book, a Katori filled with curds, a currency note or a coin or a gold ornament like ring or a bangle, a pinch of salt, seasonal flowers (usually Yamberzal), a piece of medicinal herb called 'Vai' ) known by the name of Sweet flag or Acorus Calamus and a mirror are arranged. The 'Nachhipatar or Jantari' of the new year and the 'Kreel-Pach' also find a special place in this rice filled thali.

This ritual is known as 'Thal-barun'. Early in the morning of 'Navreh' well before sunrise, a female member of the family, usually a daughter, makes each and every member of the family  have a 'darshan' of this thali in their respective rooms. This ritual is known as 'Buth-Vuchun'. The ritual of 'Buth Vuchun' is said to bring happy year full of health, wealth, wisdom and good luck for the entire family. After having darshan of this thali, every elder member of the family puts some money in it, which is then taken by the girl as a gift known by the name of'Kharch'.

As per mythological belief, a mysterious power lies hidden in all human beings. It can be stimulated only by the use of specific symbols as our subconscious correlates fully with the symbols in comparison to the words.

As such, all the items arranged on the rice filled thali have symbolic significance. Rice, the principle diet of Kashmiris is a symbol of abundance, life, growth, development, expansion and prosperity. Rice is also an integral part of our every auspicious occasion and function in our lives. It also stands for the quality of refinement and purity in the individual life. Paddy or unhusked rice connotes unsullied clarity, natural perfection and untainted life without deception and imitation.

Cooked rice indicates metaphoric process through which paddy has passed upto the cooked form. As such, the cooked rice is a symbol of transformation and progression in life in the right direction. Besides it, the cooked rice is regarded as a 'prasad' and gift of God to the mankind. Apart from it, paddy, rice and cooked rice being the source of survival and sustenance are symbols for our physical and mental growth. Curds is a symbolic representation for fullness, stability and cohesiveness in life. Due to its' 'satvic'-quality, curds also represents placidity, consistency and virtuous conduct in life. The next item of bread kept on the rice thali is a symbolic representation for absorption, expansion and integration in one's socio-cultural surrounding.

The walnuts indicate regeneration, evolutionary process, continuity and flow of life. The four kernals present in the walnut represent the four aspects of dharma or divinity. Wealth or arth, Kama or wish fulfilment and moksha or salvation. A coin or a currency note or a gold ring or a bangle represents good fortune, prosperity, wealth and material strength. The gold ring or gold bangle is a symbol of purity and auspiciousness. The gold metal also has religious and spiritual significance as it not only gives contentment but is also believed to drive away evil influences. The coin, currency note and the gold ornament together remind us not to shun righteousness in the pursuit of material wealth. The medicinal herb of 'Vai' known by the name of sweet flag or Acorus Calamus is a symbolic representation for disease free life and good health.

Flowers represent freshness, hope, fragrance, compassion and feeling of concern in life. They are so inextricably associated with the human life that no celebration or rejoicing is complete without them. Flowers are also symbols for the impermanence of life.

Flowers cheer-up the mood and drive away the feelings of depression and dejection.

The pen, inkpot and the book taken together are symbols for wisdom, knowledge, awareness, insight, enlightenement, learning and intellectual brilliance. They also represent the power of knowledge for the eradication of illiteracy, ignorance and shallowness. They have the allegoric meaning for 'Apara Vidya' i.e. Knowledge of wordily objects and 'Para Vidya' i.e. knowledge of Self. Salt, which is central to our day to day life is supposed to generate positive energy and drive away negative retardants and bad luck. Some families also keep sugar on the rice  thali, which signifies cordial social bondings and sweetness at every stage in life.

The 'Jantari' (Nachhipater) represents the symbolic connection of the events in human life to the planetary influences and their movements. 'Kreel Pach' having a picture of Isht Devi is indicative of religious inclination, our trust in Her grace and our total surrender to the sovereignty of the Divine.

Mirror due to its' attribute of reflection stands for duplication of auspiciousness, apart from all the good events of life.

Mirror is also believed to dispel and deflect the damaging impact and influences if present in the house.

As such Goddess Lakshmi is symbolically represented in Her different aspects of Vidyalakshmi (represented by pen, inkpot and book), Dhanyalkshmi (represented by paddy, rice, cooked rice, bread and curd) and Dhanlakshmi (represented by a coin, currency note or a gold ornament). Inversely, the various agriculture and cattle products are symbolic representations of Mother Nature, Mother Earth-Bhoodevi and Goddess Shakambhari, the Goddess of vegetarian and agriculture.

Besides it, Goddess Mahakali, the presiding deity of longevity represented by the medicinal herb of 'Vai' or sweet flag is also worshipped and remembered during the ritual of 'Buth-Vuchun'. On the day of 'Navreh', the rice of thali is used for making yellow coloured rice called 'Tahar' and after performing pooja, it is taken as 'Prasad' or 'Naveed' by the family members.

On 'Navreh' morning, the walnuts of rice thali are thrown in the river as the flowing water of the river and walnuts together symbolically represent regeneration and continuity of fruitful and productive life. It is also a metaphor for the surge and movement of active and energetic life. In the good old days upto mass migration in 1990, on the 'Navreh' morning, Kashmiri Pandits of Srinagar city after having a customary bath and attired in new dresses would make a beeline to Hari Parbhat to pay obeisance to the Goddess Sharika. Hari Parbhat-the historic and heritage hill of Goddess Sharika (one of the manifestation of Goddess Parvati) is the holy spot, which has Chakrishwar Asthapan on it. The Divine Mother Goddess Sharika, the presiding deity of Srinagar city represented by 'Soyambhu' Shrichakra (Mahamaha Shri Chakra) is the very cause of creation, sustenance and dissolution of the Universe. The holy site of 'Devi Angan' at the foothill of Hariparbhat is believed to be the cosmic playfield of the Universal Mother, where all the divinely activities are controlled. In the sacred ambience of Devi Anganand in the serenity of it's cool and calm surrounding, the spiritual seekers do meditation for spiritual awakening and enlightenement.

On 'Navreh Mavas', i.e. Chaitra Krishna Paksh Amavasya, which falls a day prior to Navreh, Kashmiri Pandits while in Srinagar used to visit Viccharnag Shrine, which is about eight kms. from Srinagar on the Srinagar-Ganderbal road. They used to offer prayers and have a holy dip in one of it's sacred springs.

In earlier times on 'Navreh Amavasya', a local annual Almanac, known by the alternative names of 'Janthari', 'Panchang' or 'Nachhipater' used to be released for public use after having been compiled and delebrated upon by the native learned Brahmans at Vicharnag itself.

In Srinagar, on 'Navreh' day Kashmiri Pandits dressed in new clothes would visit 'Badam-Vari'-the orchard of almonds situated at the foothills of Hari Parbhat situated in the down-town. Here they would enjoy sipping steaming tea (Kehwa) made in 'Samavar'. They would also relish roasted water chest-nuts (Trapa bispinosa), oil-fried rotis locally known as 'luchie' and 'nadermonje pakoras'. The children with beaming faces would enjoy playing with water-balls, gas-filled ballons and 'tikawavij'.

On this day, the 'Badam-Vari' would present the look of a fairyland due to the pink and white flowers of the almond trees being in full blossom. People would enjoy the almond blossom locally known as 'Badam Phulai'. Almond is the first fruit bearing tree to blossom in the Kashmir valley in this season.

The violet or green coloured spring vegetable locally called 'Vosta-Hak' (Chenopodium sps.) cooked with reddish or 'nadru' is a special dish alongwith a lavish spread of the traditional dishes on the day of Navreh. In addition to  it, cheese cooked in combination with a native wild vegetable called 'Tsokalader'having the Botanical name of Polygonum persicaria is a much prized and sought after dish on this day. The near and dear ones especially the daughters and son-in-laws are invited on the 'Navreh' feast.

Zangtrai:

As per prevailing Kashmiri folklore, Lord Shiva and Goddess Parvati were not invited for the 'Navreh' feast by the in-laws of Lord Shiva. Inconsequence, Goddess Parvati felt downcast and dispirited on the day following Navreh. In remembrance of brooding and contemplative mood of Goddess Parvati on the day after 'Navreh', Chitra Shukla Paksh Ditya or the second day of bright fortnight of Chaitra is known by the name of 'Deiviein Doie' in Kashmir. As per the connected folklore, realising the said lapse, the parents of Goddess Parvati later-on invited Her to a feast on the third day after 'Navreh'. As a reminder, this day is known as 'Zangtrai', which falls on the third day of the bright fortnight of Chaitra.

In reverence and regard for this day, Kashmiri Pandit ladies even to this day visit their parental houses and return back to their homes in the evening with salt and cash locally known as 'Aetgath' as a token of good omen. Both these days of 'Deivein Doie' and 'Zangtrai' having indigenous distinctiveness are known and observed only in Kashmir and nowhere else in the country.

The auspicious festival of 'Navreh' epitomises our age old traditions, which make us determined not to forget our rich past, notwithstanding the twists and turns in our history and present-day geographical and climatic separation.

If so many momentous events  are embedded in a single day, then that day becomes a special day and that special day is 'Navreh' for Kashmiri Pandits.

Even to this day, 'Navreh' continues to be a popular and adored festival among Kashmiri Pandits and every body eagerly awaits its' arrival every year.

Tales and Legends of Aragam, Bandipore


By Upender Ambardar

The legends, fables, oral history accounts, tales of supernatural spirits, heresy stories and stories of tutelary forest spirits etc. are deeply rooted in the traditional historical and cultural opinions of a place or a region. They are passed on to the posterity mostly orally and form a connecting link between the past and the present times. They sometimes become narratives of a particular place and it's people. They may possess elements of divinity and supernaturalism, though they may not be evidenced by documentary and supporting facts. They usually have an element of mystery and may  possess a legendary pull and fascination for the native people.

In a plain speak, they can be said to be based on diverse emotional offshoots and legacy of centuries of faith and belief.

Aragam is an obscure picturesque village nestled in the lushness of the green foliage, being located about 50 kms from Srinagar on Srinagar-Bandipore route. Now a part of the newly carved-out Bandipore district, it is at a distance of five kms. from Bandipore town and about twenty five kms. from Sopore. Aragam mainly comprises of plain lands and is surrounded by wooded mountains on three sides, locally known as Animbar, Fakhnar and Lungmarg forests. The village derives it's name from a riverlet which flows through the village. Adjacent to the lungmarg forests is a vast stretch of imposing grazing ground called 'Ziasun'-which is a lively ambience of pastoral life. The surrounding mountains support majestic pine and Deodar forests, whileas wild walnuts, chinar, willow and popular trees can be spotted everywhere in the village lands. Paddy constitutes the main staple crop of the village though isolated pockets also support maize and oil seeds.

Aragam also has substantial stretches of orchards bearing apple, pears, cherry, walnuts, and almond fruit trees. The village has about 2,000 households, out of which about ten were Kashmiri Pandit families; the rest being Muslims. All the Kashmiri Pandit families prior to their forced migration in 1990 were agriculturists and orchardists with livestock forming an additional source of income. Aragam has a high literacy rate with most of the Pandit families serving in Government departments.

The family of late Sh. Tika Lal Tikoo, who was a head munshi in the forest department during Maharaja Hari Singh's time is a well-known family of the village. He had three sons, namely Sh Dwarika Nath Tikoo (agriculturist), Sh. Manmohan Tikoo, an ex-servicemen of the J&K light infantry and Sh Chaman Lal Tikoo, who retired from the BSF. The family of Sh. Divram Tikoo(agriculturist) likewise had three sons, namely Sh. Rattan Lal Tikoo (M.A, M.Ed) being first position holder in M.Ed) who served in the state education department, Sh Girdhari Lal Tikoo (a retired employee from the J&K Secretariat) and Sh. Kanya Lal Tikoo (M.Sc. Physics) a senior Lecturer in the State Education Department. Another Pandit family was that of Sh Gulab Ram Raina (agriculturist), who had two sons namely Sh. Somnath Raina ( a retired police inspector) and Sh. Manmohan Raina, who worked in the Block Development Office. The remaining Pandit families were those of Sh. Shamboo Nath NehruSh. Madhusudhan Nehru and Sh. Shyam Lal Nehru, all of them being real brothers. Their children Sh. Bushan Lal Nehru and Sh. Ashok Nehru served in the state departments. In contrast to the Tikoo families, the Nehrus are not original residents of the village. They are said to have migrated to Aragam village about two centuries back from Naroo village in tehsil Kishtwar of Doda district. The village Aragam has been a witness to three plunders locally known as 'Baem Loot', 'Pathan Loot' and 'Qabali Loot'. The 'Baem' were ferocious war tribe men of the frontier areas, who are said to have resorted to loot and plunder hundreds of years back.

During the Qabali tribal raid in 1947, the Kashmiri Pandits of Aragam could save their skin as they fled to the adjacent mountains. But in the nearby Bandipore Kharpora town, nine members of a Kashmiri Pandit family of Sh. Sansar Chand Sadhu (Choudhari) were brutally murdered by the tribal men. They were lined-up in a row and subjected to a hail of bullets. Late Sansarchand nicknamed as Chowdhari was a well-known trader of his time, whose business interests extended upto Gilgit. He used to trade in 'Kishmish', dates,  hazzle and cashew-nuts business and in return would send Kashmiri spices to the frontier province.

As per the village lore of Aragam, about two and a half centuries back, a Kashmiri Pandit namely Sh. Gash Ram lived here and was endowed with spiritual powers. Besides being a known agriculturist, he had about nine hundred livestock. He had acrimonious relations with Akal Bhat, who in order to settle scores with him invited the professional tribal plunderers called 'Baem' to Aragam village.

To escape from the wrath, Gash Ram packed off his two daughters and two sons to the neighbouring place, while the remaining two sons along with their entire livestock took shelter in the Lungmarg forests. They hid themselves in the mountain cave, which even today is now as Gash Ram's hut. Gash Ram was caught and as punishment he was suspended from a tree by means of his skull hair-luft (chaog).

Astonishingly, he survived the near-death ordeal. Later-on he was handed-over to a executioner for being killed. He bribed him by giving an appreciable part of his cattle and in the bargain got a lease of life. Sh. Gash Ram had five sons--Sahaj Ram, Prakash Ram, Raja Ram, Siraj Ram and Balram. Among them late Sh. Raja Ram and Sh Sahaj Ram had saintly disposition and possessed exceptional spiritual powers. Both of them were ardent devotees of Sagar Raz Bhairav, the presiding deity of the village Aragam.

As per the village lore, both the brothers would enter into divine communion with Sagar Raz Bhairav. To ensure wrinkle free smoothness of the turban cloth, both Raj Ram and Sahaj Ram would hold it in their hands till Sagar Raz Bhairav tied turban on their head. On special occasions, they would keep offerings of food in a thali for Sagar Raz Bhairav. The thali would immediately vanish from sight and it had to be collected afterwards from the adjacent cremation ground obviously after Sagar Raz Bhairav had accepted the offering. The village cremation ground (Razbal) was about a hundred yards away from their residence. Adjacent to it was a piece of land where Raz-Kath the sacrificial religious offering of sheep was performed in honour of the presiding deity of the village. This piece of land is even now known as 'Rajun', signifying the ownership of it to the saint Raj Ram Tikoo. An attempt made sometime back by a native Mohammad Tilwani to cultivate it made him bedridden for a couple of months.

It was seen as an expression of displeasure and annoyance shown by Sagar Raz Bhairav. The latter regarded as the presiding deity of the villages of Aragam, Garoora, Brar, Chittibandi, Gund, Dechan, Tantraypora and vast area extending right upto the Wular Lake.

The Late Tika Lal Tikoo, a direct descendant of the said family was also a man of spiritual pursuits. Being a great devotee of the village Bhairav himself, he had immense faith and reverence for him. He was said to converse with the Bhairav in his dreamful state during night as strange and ununderstanble discourse could be heard near his room. The villagers believed that late Sh. Tika Lal would often be spotted in the village cremation ground (Razbal) in his astral form in the company of Sagar Raz Bhairav and his associates. It came to light when a Muslim lady inadvertently stepped inside the village cremation ground in search of her lost cow. She was bewildered to spot late Sh. Tika Lal sitting in the company of persons supporting white cloaks (pheran) and white turbans.

Due to his spiritual powers, late Sh. Tika Lal was quite popular in the village Aragam and its neighbourhood as a spiritual healer for he could successfully cure persons afflicted with various ailments like infectious boils, jaundice, headache, high fever and those possessed by evil spirits. Once a neighbour, Mr Ghulam Rasool Bhat's daughter Shama got possessed by an evil spirit. She was taken to a local Muslim priest for cure. After having failed to drive-off the evil spirit, the Peer suggested Shama to be taken to Tika Lal for cure. On hearing his name, the civil spirit is said to have communicated not to bother Sh. Tika Lal as he would leave Shama's body provided her father promised to make an offering of turmeric rice at the 'Razbal'. Sh. Tika Lal departed from this world in July 1990. The Pandit community of Aragam also became the victims of the militants' furry in 1990, when the wife of Sh. Kanya Lal Tikoo namely, Mrs Girja Tikoo (Babli) was killed by the militants. She was a laboratory assistant at Govt. High School, Trehgam. (Kupwara). At the height of the militancy she was abducted and subsequently killed when she had gone to collect her salary at Trehgam.

On her way back, she had to make a night halt at Tikker village in the house of her childhood female friend. Tikker was also incidentally her parental village. She was kidnapped by her friend's militant turned kins. She was taken to an adjacent electric saw-mill and mercilessly cut into two haves upto her chest by the electric-saw and her dead body was later-on thrown near a bridge in Tikker. This brutal slaying sent a chilling message to the Pandit families of Aragam and the adjoining villages, who were left with no alternative but to migrate from their ancestral homes in order to save their honour and skin.

The village Aragam has an ancient temple by the side of a holy spring, which has a Shivling and a stone idol of the Goddess Parvati. The village temple complex has plenty of willow and popular trees. Another village holy spring called 'Brari Maji Hund Nag' has one kanal of land attached to it, which abounds in majestic chinar trees. The villagers irrespective of their caste and creed would offer the milk of their first delivered cow to the holy spring out of reverence for it.

About four kms away from the village Aragam is a hillock known by the name of Shank Paul. A hermit of the same name is said to have done hard penance here hundreds of years back. It had a few pious springs in it's vicinity, some of which have now dried-up. The village lore says that any unholy misdeed committed in the area would result in instant rainfall in earlier times.

A well known Muslim saint and Sofi poet, Lala Sahib Aragami was a native of Aragam village. He lived upto the year 1984. In one of his Kashmiri couplets, the poet eulogises the virtues of a Kashmiri Pandit,

"tan darith.......tah zahnar".

In another Kashmiri verse, the said poet exhorts a Kashmiri Pandit girl to have unrestrained devotion for her God as her favourite deity i.e. enshrined in the stone idol itself,

"Bata Koori Vate Kanie Manj Chuai Dai,

Karee Pooja, Yinai Mushravak Lai."

Likewise being a devotee of the Goddess Parvati, he expresses his reverence for the Goddess in the following lines,

"Haran Doh Gaie Praran Yaeti Parvati Lo,

Sonihaer Paad Yaepaar Trav Lotie Parvati Lo".

A single Kashmiri Pandit family of Sh. Manmohan Nath Tikoo, an agriculturist and an ex-serviceman still resides in the village Aragam. One of his sons Sh. Rattan Lal Tikoo is presently working as a government teacher there, whileas the second one Sh. Rajender Tikoo who has done Diploma in weaving and tailoring is a migrant at Batal-Ballian, Udhampur Migrant Camp. The Isht Devi of Tikoo families of Aragam is Tripur Sundri and her birthday called 'Tikchoram' is celebrated on Magh Shukla Paksh Chiturthi by offering turmeric mixed rice and goat's liver (Tahar-Charbvan) to the family deity. The Kashmiri Pandits of Aragam and the adjoining villages used to celebrate all the religious festivals with the usual  religious fervour prior to their forced migration from Kashmir.

Tales and Legends of Garoora, Chittibandhi and Tantraypora


By Upender Ambardar

ABOUT one and a half km. away from the village Aragam lies Garoora village on it's western side. Garoora is a combination of two Sanskrit words, 'Garoo' and 'Rah' meaning the path or track of spiritual and religious guide. The village lore says that an accomplished ascetic named Shankpaul used to do religious penance at the nearby hill-top. He had twelve hundred disciples, who had exceptional devotion and faith in him. In order to carry water required by 'Garu' for his day to day religious rites, all the twelve hundred devotees would que in a line from the hermitage at the hill-top upto the 'Garu Nag' lying in the nearby Wular Lake.

As per a belief, the 'Garu-Nag' is said to be deepest part of the Wular Lake. In recognition of the extraordinary reverence and devotion for the 'Garu', the way was called 'Garu Rah', meaning Garu's path. With the passage of time, the very 'Garu-Rah' become the present day Garoora village. The elevated part of Garoora village has a pious and sacred spring known as 'Zaen-Mattan Nag', meaning being equivalent to the famous holy Mattan spring of Anantnag (Kashmir). The 'Zaen-Mattan' spring is believed to be invested with divine qualities and properties. It is a big spring with a radius of about 14-15 feet. About six hundred years back it had seven temples, made of chiselled stones of variable sizes, Sikander Bhutshikan, the Muslim ruler of Kashmir is said to have demolished six temples of the 'Zaen-Mattan' spring complex, while destroying the seventh temple, blood is said to have flowed-out from it mysteriously. The King is said to have been startled and frightened at the sight of this. This is how the seventh temple escaped the fanatic ruler's wrath and fury.

The chiselled stones of those demolished temples are believed to have been transported to 'Zainalank', the man-made island in the Wular Lake for the construction of a temple for the 'pooja' of Shriyabhat, the famous minister of the Kashmiri King Zaina-ul-Abidin. In addition to the temple, Budshah is said to have built a mosque at Zainalank. The state government has presently constructed a water reservoir at the holy 'Zaen-Mattan' spring and the surviving seventh temple now remains hidden in the reservoir construction. The holy spring is presently being used to supply water to the village Garoora and it's adjoining areas. Garoora village has about 2,500 Muslim families but no Kashmiri Pandit resided in the village at the time of their forced migration in 1990.

Chittibandi:

Adjacent to Garoora, is the village of Chitti-Bandi, which means a place having plentiful untanned or light coloured soil. A big stream runs through the village. It's main inhabitants are Gujjar families. In addition to them, about a dozen Kashmiri Pandit families resided in the village at the time of their migration in the year 1990.

The Pandit families of Chitti-Bandi were those of Sh. Kashi Nath Bhat, Sh. Shivji Bhat (presently at Bohri, Jammu), Sh Ved Lal Bhat (presently at Nagrota Migrant Camp), Sh. Jia Lal (presently at Udaiwalla, Bohri, Jammu).Sh. Pyare Lal (who runs a medical shop at Jammu) and Sh. Mukund Lal Bhat. All of them were agriculturists and orchardists, some of them were also state government employees. The village Chitti-Bandi has a small Shiv temple by the side of a big stream called 'Boed-Koel'. All the Pandit families had their houses in the vicinity of the said stream. A holy spring also existed near the temple. Chitti-Bandi is about a half Km. from Aragam village. Paddy forms the main crop of the village, while as apples, pears, cherry, peaches and walnuts are the major fruit bearing trees.

Tantraypora:

Adjoining the village Aragam at a distance of half a km is the village ofTantraypora. The village is adjacent to the cremation ground. A majestic Chinar tree growing near the cremation ground is even today called as'Tantar-Boien'. In earlier times, Pandits well versed in tantric religious rites are said to have resided here. The earlier name of the village is said to have been 'Tantarpur', the name which proclaims it's past Hindu legacy.

Brar:

The village Brar is about 1½ kms from Aragam, while as Gund-Dachan village lies at a distance of about 2½ km from Aragam. No Kashmiri Pandit family lived in these villages.

Pandits of Aragam and adjoining villages celebrated a festival at the harvest time. A few freshly cut rice panicles hung at the upper part of the main house door were believed to ensure good harvest in the succeeding years. It used to be celebrated with a sumptuous and lavish meal, comprising of mutton and water fowl preparations.

Another agriculture related festival in vogue was known as 'Bal-Kadun'. In it cooked rice along with a cooked fish piece kept at the barrier of the paddy field  either on Saturday or Tuesday was thought to guarantee protection to the crops fram the pests and diseases.

Wular Lake:

Many fables and legends are also associated with the Wular Lake, which is the largest fresh water lake in Asia, being 16 km. long and 9.6 km wide. The presiding deity of the lake is known as 'Wular Raz'. The lake is said to have countless springs and the main spring is known as 'Neel Nag'. It is regarded as the deepest part of the lake and is supposed to be in a state of turbulence always. No boatman (hanji) even today dares to take his shikara across this part of the Wular Lake. The folklore says that the presiding deity of the lake known as 'Wular Raz' has his residence in the deep depths of the 'Neel-Nag'. As per a legend, a saint in bygone ages is said to have weaved a rope continuously for twelve years.

He is said to have dropped this rope tied to a grinding stone in the Wular Lake to ascertain it's depth but it is thought to have failed to touch the lake's bottom. Another legend says that centuries back, a sage endowed with tantric and supernatural powers once decided to take 'Wular Raz' into his custody. A boat was engaged for the purpose and an oil lamp was lighted by him in the boat amidst elaborate tantric rituals. He is said to have plunged into the 'Neel-Nag' area of the Wular Lake after instructing the boatman to ensure continuous lighting of the said oil lamp. The ascetic is said to have successfully emerged out of the lake along with the 'Wular Raz', who was then kept in confinement in the concealed part of the boat. The ascetic is believed to have dived again in the lake to capture the rest of the family members of the 'Wular Raz'. In the mean time, the Wular Raza enticed the boatman with the promise of unlimited wealth if he extinguished the oil lamp. Tempted by the greed, the boatman extinguished the lamp. As   fall-out, the ascetic lost all his supernatural powers and failed to emerge out of the lake.

Taking advantage of it, the Wular Raz (the presiding deity of the lake) dived back to be in his abode at the bottom of the 'Neel-Nag' of the lake. Instead of the promised wealth, the boatman encountered a heap of charcoal floating on the surface of the lake. Feeling betrayed and cursing his luck, he took a handful of charcoal in his fire-pot for burning purpose. He rowed back to his home. Next morning to his surprise, the charcoal in the forepart had turned into gold.

The 'Neel-Nag' and the 'Garu-Nag' (locally known as a 'Gor-Nag') are supposed to exist at the extreme ends of the lake. As per the folklore, the river Vitasta is aid to be the spouse of the Wular Raza.

Another legend connected with the lake says that hundreds of years back, a boat carrying a bridegroom got stuck-up near the 'Neel-Nag' part of the lake. The bridegroom pleaded and request ed 'Wular Raz' to permit his Shikara to sail through and promised to offer his spouse. After his return from the marriage ceremony the bridegroom failed to keep his promise. As expected the Shikara failed to move forward from the 'Neel-Nag' area of the Lake. Realising his mistake, the bridegroom offered his just married spouse to the waters of the Wular Lake. Shortly afterwards, to everbody's surprise the bride emerged from the depths of the lake dressed-up in the celestial attire.

Even today, no bridegroom can afford to annoy the 'Wular Raza', the presiding deity of the lake while sailing across the lake. He without fail has to take off his turban and keep the accompanying sword aside while crossing the Wular Lake. People even now pay, salutations and obeisance to the 'Wular Raza' whenever they happen to pass by the lake.

According to one more legend, the present site of the Wular Lake is believed to have been a flourishing city of affluence by the name of Sandimat Nagar, well before the Christian era.

It's inhabitants were so engrossed in the materialistic and worldly pursuits that virtuous  values and deeds were given a gobye. A sage advised the natives of Sandimat Nagar to correct their way ward ways, otherwise he predicted an enormous calamity for the city. Excepting for a potter, none paid any heed to his sane advice.

The potter not only entertained him but also gave shelter to him in his home. Out of gratitude, the sage of his supernatural powers turned the potter's clay wheel into gold. He also asked the potter to abandon the city and also cautioned him not to look back while moving-out of the city. Next day, as advised the potter along with his family fled from the city to seek shelter in the nearby upland ridge. Immediately afterwards, the entire city was engulfed by enormous amounts of water. Notwithstanding the warning of the sage, the potter looked back compelled by the incoming screaming cries of the city inmates.

To his surprise and horror, his fabulous and marvellous city had turned into a vast lake, which is now known as the Wular Lake. As the potter had failed to honour the promise not to look behind, half of the gold turned potter's wheel reverted back to clay part.

The ridge where the potter is believed to have taken shelter is even now known as Watlab Sanger.

The legends, tales and fables continue to be an integral part of our rich oral history.

They are proud relics of our past, though the degree of believability in them may vary. They need to be preserved and protected so that they do not fade away into obscurity.

The Legends and Tales of Gund Gushi, Kupwara


By Upender Ambardar

The village Gund Gushi, tehsil Uttar Machipora of the erstwhile district Muzafarrabad and presently a part of the district Kupwara, faraway from the bustling life of city, is a distant corner of Kashmir. It is a village of indescribable tranquility and serene atmosphere with its hill sides rich in nature's bounty, which invite inquisitiveness and curiosity. The village was home to about thirty five Kashmiri Pandit families comprising nearly two hundred fifty members prior to their forced migration in 1990. The village which includes Rangwar Gushi has a myriad of legends, beliefs, tales and hearsay stories  which form a part of its oral history. A sense of intense religiosity pervades the village's atmosphere due to the presence of Goddess Sharda temple there. The land of Gushi Rangwar is sanctified and hallowed by 'Peer Pandit Padshah Hardu Jahan Mushkil Asan', Reshi Peer, the renowned and celebrated saint of Kashmir, who is said to have spent his childhood days here.

Rangwar Gushi is the 'lost' abode of Pt. Sarwanand Bhat, who claims to have an ancient lineage besides being a direct descendant of the indigenous clan of Gund Gushi. Away from the urban hypocrisy and with  rural simplicity; he in an animated conversation with the author in the recently regaled the splendid stories of the antiquity besides the unpleasant memories of the past. Pt. Sarwanand Ji traces his genealogical descent about five hundred years back from Pt. Teeza Bhat, a chieftain of a hamlet of Uttarmachipora. Teeza Bhat is believed to have his royal residence at the adjacent Nagri Malpora besides a fortress at the nearby Kuthar hillock at Rangwar Gushi. Pt. Sarwanand Bhat recounted his ancestry with the sequential genealogical clan starting from Pt. Teeza Bhat, Sahaz Bhat, Bhawani Bhat, Hemant Bhat, Reshi Bhat, Ishwar Bhat and saintly person Pt. Ved Lal Bhat, father of Pt. Sarwanand Bhat.

Stepping into the pages of oral history, Pt. Sarwanand Bhat articulated that Uttar Machipora Chieftain Teeza Bhat was a man of religious disposition but an obscuration in his religious pursuits is said to have resulted in a calamitous outcome for him and his whole clan.

Further, it is said that Teeza Bhat's cousin also settled down at Gund Gushi at that time. But personal ambitions, acrimony and clash of egos between the two cousins is believed to have resulted in an open feud. In the ensuing armed struggle and fight, all the family members of both the cousins are said to have perished barring a female of the clan, who was in a family-way at that time. Anguished at the ruinous outcome of the family feud, she is supposed to have pronounced a curse that eleven dynasties starting from her will not see any cousin, which astonishingly later on turned out to be true. In the mean-time, the lady in question gave birth to a male child. Since all her near and dear ones were killed in the family feud and she being a new entrant in the 'Bhat Clan', was not aware of her own gotra (guthur). To solve this riddle a learned and knowledgeable Pujari of Sopore in consultation with the fellow Brahmans of that time assigned four gotras representing the four directions i.e. the gotras of Dev-Dutt, Koshak, Bhardwaj and Gautam to the male child born to the lady. This is how Pt. Sarwnanad Bhat, a progeny of the said male child come to acquire the four gotras instead of the one found usually.

To ensure her own safety and protection, the lady in question encouraged her acquaintances from the adjoining areas to settle down permanently at Rangwar Gushi.

Pt. Sarwanand recalled with a sense of pride that forefathers (from the maternal side) of the renowned Kashmiri Saint Resh Peer belonged to his dynasty. As per his claim, Resh Peer had his maternal grand parents' house (matamal) situated at Gushi Rangwar. As such, Resh Peer is said to have spent his early childhood there. As part of this oral history, Pt. Bhawani Bhat, resident of Gushi Rangwar and an ancestor of Pt. Sarwanand Bhat had a pious and good natured sister named Zoonamal, who was married to Pt. Govind Koul of Batyar Ali Kadal Srinagar. Since there was a considerable age difference between the two, the bride Zoonmal's mother is said to have fainted at the sight of an elderly bridegroom on the day of marriage. Seized by grief and despair, she is believed to have prayed day in and day-out at the Sharda Matta temple at Rangwar Gushi for her daughter to be blessed with a male child. She being an ardent devotee of Her, had immense faith in the Goddess Sharda.

By the time, Zoonmal was in a family-way, the Goddess Sharda is said to have directed her mother in a dream to bring back her daughter from Batyar Ali Kadal Srinagar to Rangwar Gushi. As the water transport was in vogue those days, it is said that she travelled by a 'Shikara' upto Sopore on her way back to her mother's home (malun) at Rangwar Gushi.

It was during the course of this journey that she gave birth to a male child, who with the passage of time attained fame as a great saint Reshi Peer. She is said to have stayed back at Sopore for about three weeks or so after the birth of her son before proceeding to Gushi; her stay and subsequent travel having been managed and taken care of by her family priest (Kulbrahman) of Sopore. The child Rishi Peer spent his childhood at his maternal grand parents' house (matamal) at Rangwar Gushi and also acquired his initial education there. Given to childish pranks, Reshi Peer is said to have been very naughty in his childhood. To hold him back from such conduct, his maternal uncles would admonish him off and on. Utterly displeased at this treatment and out of animosity towards them, the child Resh Peer one day in league with his fellow friends is said to have ransacked his grand parents house (matamal).

He threw away all house-hold items including all types of eatables and foodstuffs out of the house. On the counselling of his friends, the child Resh Peer agreed to spare only the overcooked portion of rice (Phori) inside the house, as otherwise it would have been ominous for the family. To honour this goodwill gesture, the descendents of Resh-Peer's maternal grand parents (Matamal) started the practice of offering the overcooked portion of rice (Phori) as 'Prasad' (naveed) among his devotees at Gund Gushi. Subsequently, it was substituted by 'Kulcha' and 'Isbund' as 'isbund' is supposed to remove the evil spirits and inauspicious omens. The village Gund Gushi is also credited to have three huge chinar trees, which are reverently known as 'Resh Peer in Booni'. They are believed to have been planted by Resh Peer himself. Resh Peer is said to have planted one of these from the apex. A temple of Sharda Mata is also situated at Rangwar Gushi, having a holy spring within its premises, which is called as Sharda spring.

The Goddess Sharda is believed to have visited this temple from the famous Sharda Peeth Shrine located at the village Dhrov, presently in Pakistan occupied Kashmir. It is also said that the Goddess Sharda has set 'Her' holy feet on one of the hillocks of the village Rangwar Gushi before Her permanent depart the Sharda Peeth Shrine. The Goddess Sharda’s resolve to stay permanently there is said to have been revealed in a dream to a devotee of Rangwar Gushi. In the said dream, the Goddess is said to have ordered that one Kashmiri Pandit family of Rangwar Gushi especially of Teez Bhats' clan should come to Sharda Peeth Shrine to serve Her there. To obey the order and command of the Goddess Sharda, one of the ancestors of Pt. Sarwanand Bhat moved there permanently to serve the Goddess at the Sharda Peeth Shrine. Later Pt. Nand Lal Bhat nicknamed as 'Shardi' was appointed a 'pujari' at the famous shrine of Sharda Peeth till his death in 1946.

Pt. Sarwanand Bhat himself has performed twice the arduous pilgrimage to Sharda Peeth Shrine. It would take two days of arduous journey from Rangwar Gushi to reach the Shrine on foot. Right upto the year 1947, the yearly pilgrimage to Sharda Peeth would commence from Rangwar Gushi and the 'Yatra' would include about 500-600 sadhus and devotees. Gund Gushi has also a shrine dedicated to the presiding 'Bhairav' locally known as Mangal Raza, who is also the Bhairav of Karihama and Gotengo, the close by villages. In close proximity to it is the cremation ground, which has a huge Chinar tree, known as 'Raza Boin' and its presiding deity revered as 'Raza Padshah'. Reminiscing about the old days. Sarwanand recollected that the sacrificing offering of 'Raza Kath' used to be performed at the Bhairav temple and also at Badarkali on Bhadoon Shakul Paksh Navami, the day following Ganga Ashtami every year to propiate the Goddess Kali.

After an elaborate ceremonial pooja, a male ram would be slaughtered and all its body parts cooked using only water and salt with no oil and spices. The cooked preparation would be distributed among the devotees as 'Prasad'. It was mandatory to eat it at the pooja site itself for it was prohibited to take it inside the home. In addition to the usual festivals and rituals, Kashmiri Pandits of Gund Gushi (Kupwara) would  celebrate a lesser known festival of'Chari Ok Doh' every year on 'Ashad Krishan Paksh'. The ritual involved a symbolic pooja of pestle (Kajawat) placed on a circular grass base (Aari) and the cooking of 'dal' rice.

Continuing with the hear say stories about the enchanted village of Gund-Gushi, Pt. Sarwanand Bhat articulated with a sense of pride that one of his ancestors Pt. Teza Bhat, a powerful chieftain of Uttarmachipora was a man of valour. About five hundred years back a ruler of a nearby hamlet marched upto the adjacent village of Bramri with his armed men with an intention to invade Uttarmachipora. He along with his armed men halted at the village Bramri, which is about six kilometres from Rangwar Gushi. He challenged Uttarmachipora chieftain, Teza Bhat for an armed combat. Accepting the challenge. Pt. Teza Bhat is believed to have tied a written reply with a huge stone and hurled it towards the village Bramri by means of a catapult (gulela). The stone is said to have covered an unbelievable distance of about three kms. before hitting the canopy of the chinar trees, under which the invading armed men were taking rest at Bramri. The huge Chinar tree branches are believed to have come crushing down on the resting armed men, killing and wounding many of them.

This valorous act of Pt. Teza Bhat is supposed to have frightened his enemy out of its wits. Fearful of the disastrous consequences of the armed fight, the invaders are believed to have fled away from the scene without offering any resistance. A well-known Kashmiri saying "Tezi Bhati Kan" is claimed to owe its origin to this background.

The gruesome events and frightful memories associated with Pakistan sponsored tribal invasion (Kabali raid) in the year 1947 still haunts Pt. Sarwanand's mind. He recalled vividly the agonizing and horror filled events of death and destruction resorted to by the tribal raiders on the helpless Kashmiri Pandit community. He was about twenty two years of age at that time. He recalled that his father Pt. Ved Lal had asked him to make an unwilling choice of conversion to Islam. Accordingly, he was given the new name of Sarwar Sheikh and his wife Kamlawati was renamed as Mukhta. Notwithstanding it. Pt. Sarwanand recalled the feelings of brotherhood, good-will and concern displayed by Muslim neighbourhood of Gushi, who strongly disapproved and resented their forceful conversion to Islam. In order to save them from further sufferings and mental torture, the samartan Muslim neighbours of Gund-Sushi hid the neo-converted Kashmiri Pandits, including Pt. Sarwanand and his family in their homes, unmindful of the risk and threat to their personal lives. Subsequently, they advised them to move out of the village Gushi till the situation normalised. While recollecting those painful and frightful days, Pt. Sarwanand showered all the praises on his neighbours Haji Lassa Bhat, Lassa Akhoon and Aziz Bhat (nicknamed as Toumlavol), who had escorted them out from Gushi to Kulangam enroute to Sopore.

By that time, the Indian Army had started pouring into Kashmir. From Kulangam, they were taken to Sopore by the Indian Army in their vehicles. At Sopore, Pt. Sarwanand and other Kashmiri Pandits of Gushi took shelter at the 'sarai' of Haji Samad Pandit and 'Dharampur Sarai' of Pt. Gopi Nath Matu.

There they were joined by Kashmiri Pandits belonging to the villages of Sogam, Lalpora, Pazipora, Chandigam, Tekpore, Sholoora, Goetung, Karihama, Moghalpora, HakacharNagrimalpora, Drugmulla and Kandikhas villages of the district Kupwara, who too had been forced to move out of their homes and villages due to tribal invasion. The total number of Kashmiri Pandits, who had taken shelter at Sopore was about six thousand. A few among them had moved-out to Srinagar, which included the joint family of Pt. Sarwanand comprising about thirty members. Later, after three months when the tribal raiders were thrown-out by the army and the situation normalised, the Kashmiri Pandits of district Kupwara returned back to their villages and homes from their temporary stay at Sopore.

Immediately, after reaching their homes at Gushi, Pt. Sarwanand and others dug-out the buried corpses of those Kashmiri Pandits, earlier killed by the raiders.

They now cremated them as per the Hindu religious rites. However, they failed to recover the buried body of Pt. Ishwar Bhat, the grandfather of Pt. Sarwnand. As a symbolic substitute for cremation rites, they burned the twigs and tree branches at his burial site. As per Pt. Sarwanand, Mahadev Pandit nicknamed as Mahadev Bishta, who had a Robinhood imagewas a resident of Gund Gushi. He had earned the nickname of 'Bishta' as he was adept in imitating the sounds of different animals particularly that of cats.

Mahadev Bishta in league with his fellow associates named Nabir Akhoon and Sona Parray would rob the affluent persons of the society and distribute the booty among the needy and the destitute. To accomplish their task, the trio had formed a singers' party. In its guise they would resort to the stealing acts usually during the marriage functions to the accompaniment of a Kashmiri Chakri song

'Sona Chi Ker Panen Kaem, Sombrith Aun, Diy Mae Kunae, Kenh Chi Heri, Kenh Chi Bonai, Sona Chi Ker Panen Kaem

(Sona, you accomplish your assigned task, the guests are either at the ground-floor or at the upper storey, resort to the stealing act and hand-over the booty to me).

Pt. Sarwanand further rebring about 1½ chatank of rock salt priced at Rs 10 at the time from the village Trehgam, as it was not available at Gushi. On reaching Trehgam, he heard the invading tribal leader delivering a hatred and passion inciting speech and ordering the immediatecapture of Mr. Lassa Bhat, the Nambardar of Gund Gushi. Mr. Lassa Bhat was a good friend of Pt. Ved Lal Bhat, father of Pt. Sarwanand and was on good terms with his Kashmiri Pandit neighbours.

Pt. Sarwanand immediately rushed back to his home at Gushi Rangwar and informed his father about it. By that time, the tribal raiders had sneaked into Gushi Rangwar. On the very first day, the raiders killed Pt. Ishwar Bhat, the grandfather of Pt. Sarwanand in the vicinity of his home, when he was feeding hay to his cattle. Sarwanand himself was a witness to this gory scene. After committing this inhuman and savage act, the raiders continued the killing spree. Next, they mercilessly showered a hail of bullets on the inmates of Malla family of Rangwar Gushi, killing nine members of the said family on the spot. The unfortunate souls included Pt. Mahdav Ram Malla, Ramchand, Koth malla,Lassa Malla, Jia Lal Malla Shridhar Malla, Prem Nath Malla, Govind Malla and Madhusudhan Malla. These helpless Pandits were subjected to most agonizing torture before being massacred. Subsequently Pt. Madhav Kak Pandit, nicknamed as Madhav Bishta and Pt. Veshin Pandit of Trehgam, who had come to Gushi to meet his relatives, also met the same fate. After committing this heinous crime, the leader of the raiders is said to have ordered the forceful conversion of the surviving Pandits of Gushi to Islam.

The conversion ritual involved the snapping of the sacred thread (worn by them and recitation of the Kalima. Caught in between the catastrophic situation and dogged by terror, harassment and intimidation, Pt. Sarwanand and his family were left with no alternative but to vealed that the village Gushi has a few mighty Chinar and walnut trees, believed to have been planted by Kashmiri Panditshundreds of years back.

They are still remembered as 'Resh Bhatun Kul', 'Sunder Bhatun Kul', and 'Anand Bhatun Kul' etc. He also revealed with an obvious pride that besides being an established orchadist and agriculturalist of repute, he was also the lone Kashmiri Pandit to own a hotel cum restaurant known as (also called Kapoor Bakery) at Kupwara upto the time of migration.

The nostalgia filled conversation with Pt. Sarwanand was a journey down the memory lane. It was a telling tale of cherished moments, painful memories, set-backs and heart-aches, which are now his prized possessions. He longs and prays to return to his home and the village.

As on now, a cruel ironyof fate and unfortunate circumstanceshave stripped life of its meaning for him. With a noticeable gasp and a wounded expression, Pt. Sarwanand concluded the conversation with the remark, "after having been disowned and abandoned, life has become a drag and an unbearable weight now".

Rightly, I am reminded of Noel's assertion: "Rattel his bones over the stones, he is only a pamper, whom nobody owns".

(The legends, myths, fables and heresay stories may or may not have authenticity, yet they are a part of our oral history. The above article is based on an elaborate conversation with Pt. Sarwanand Bhat, who expired recently after a sudden and brief illness - The Author).

Sharda Mata Temple


Repository of Faith; Legend And Love

By Upender Ambardar

Sarada Mata Temple, dedicated to the Goddess Sarada, is located at Dhrov region  in Pakistan occupied Kashmir. Inspite of being out of bounds presently for the worshippers to faith allegiance to the temple has in no way.  The strong emotional bonds associated with the temple which stretch back to the age old times continue to remain alive. The temple represents the spiritual and religious soul of Kashmir as the Goddess Sarada is regarded as the presiding deity or Kuldevi of Kashmir.

As Goddess of speech, intellect and exalted thoughts, Sharda Mata is believed to be present wherever speech and communication exist. Goddess Sharda is also known by the name of Vaksavitri, the Creater of all kinds of communication and knowledge, particularly the spiritual one.

Prior to 1947, the holy pilgrimage  would start from Tikar (Kupwara). The next halting stops were Batergham and Hiri villages. From Hiri, one could proceed either via Trehgam or through Liderwan. Liderwan, at a distance of about six kms. from Kupwara used to be the base camp for the yatris coming from Baramulla, Sopore, Kupwara, Srinagar and other parts of Kashmir.

The arduous journey commencing from Liderwan had halting spots at Zurhome, Marhome (Marhama), Budan Pathar and Ganesh Pael. The area of Ganesh Pael  was also known by the name of Bandook Pael by the native Gujjars. Ganesh Pael owed its' name to the striking resemblance of a huge boulder to Lord Ganesh's appearance.

The area of Ganesh Pael would also serve as the resting place for the pilgrims.  Next to it was Pothkhagali, which was also used as halting place by those yatris', who would not prefer to make a stopover at Ganesh Pael. Pothkah Gali was followed by the destinations of Mirwali Naar, Dunaar (Dunari), the village of Jumgun and Katchban. The village of Kanthawali was the next stop, which was followed by small villages of Shawlbouth, Baensawali, Andher Bela and Dudhniyal. Dudhniyaal had a narrow suspension foot-bridge. The pilgrims and travellers would unload their horses here as the narrow  foot-bridge  would not permit the loaded horses or horses with the riders to cross it. After taking the path along the bank of Kishanganga the travellers would reach the village of Bella Mohammed Khan, followed by Sheikh Bella and Mundkar villages.

Dusuth was the next village, followed by Khowaja Seeri and Kharigham villages. Kharigham was the nearest village on the route to Sharda temple. Upto 1947, the village of Liderwan had a lone Kashmiri Pandit household of two brothers namely Sh,. Tika Lal Thusoo and Sh. Nand Lal Thusoo. Both jointly ran a grocer's shop at Liderwan. Smt. Rekhmaal, wife of late Sh. Nand Lal Thusoo, Smt. Teezmaal, wife of Late Sh. Tika Lal Thusoo and Smt. Dhanwati, wife of Sh. Sona Lal Thusoo, the elder son of Late Sh. Tika Lal Thusoo apart from doing their house hold chores would also manage the free community kitchen (langar) for the devotees proceeding on pilgrimage to Sharda temple. They would prepare rotis, Cook dry vegetables and pack them with pickles for the yatris. A free kitchen run by them at the village Dudhniyal would also provide meals to the pilgrims. They also owned water driven mills at Katchban and Shardi villages. Late Sh. Thoker Pandit Thusoo was the first Kashmiri Pandit, who built a house at Laiderwan. He alongwith his wife late Smt. Sokhded and their two sons Sh. Tika Lal and Sh. Nand Lal and their extended families would reside there. They had also constructed a dharamshalla for the pilgrims at Dudhniyal.

A primary school built by them at Dudhniyal catered to the educational needs of Gujjar children residing there and in the adjoining areas of Dudhniyal. As such they were pioneers in the introduction of primary education in this remote region. Apart from being owner of residential houses at Dudhniyal and Shardi villages, they also had shops at these places. Thusoo brothers would also make arrangements for horses and palanquins for old and infirm pilgrims.

According to Sh. Puranji Thusoo, the grandson of late Sh. Nand Lal Thusoo, a densely foliaged upland area in close proximity of Sharda temple was known by the name of Ganesh Ghatti. As divulged to him by his elders, it had a cave, the narrow opening of which would allow the entry of a single person at a time. The open space inside the cave was said to be big enough to accommodate about dozen people. The inside of the cave on one of it's side resembled the image of Lord Ganesh, on which water drops would trickle down from a naturally formed Sheshnag like configuration located above. As per local lore, a Kashmiri Pandit of religious disposition posted at Shardi village during Maharaja's rule was once directed in a dream by Lord Ganesh to come to the said cave to have his darshan there. It resulted in the discovery of the cave and subsequent naming of the cave area as Ganesh Ghati. According to Sh. Puran Ji Thusoo, a hill side elevated area in close proximity of Sharda Mata Temple was also known by the name of Amarnath. It was in the form of a massive boulder over which water from the adjoining mountain would flow down in a 'havan-kund' patterned natural enclosure below.

Smt. Arundati Dass, wife of Sh.Dina Nath Dass of Bomai (Sopore) is the daughter of Late Sh. Nand Lal Thusoo of Liderwan. Despite advanced age, she retains memories of her formative years spent at Liderwan and Shardi.

According to Smt. Arundati Dass, before Liderwan, the first major pilgrimage designation in the earlier times was the village of Jumagund. It is at a distance of 30 kms from Liderwan. She recollects that those on horse backs would proceed on journey at the crack of down from Jumagund. They would reach Dudhniyal in the afternoon. The horses were driven on the hilly track by their owners called 'markbans' locally. Jumagund village had then only a few scattered Gujjar dwellings. At Jumagund, most of the travellers would cook rice and vegetable preparations usually of 'hak' and potatoes in earthen pots (laej) on make-shift ovens in the open. Reminiscing further about those days, she said that life was simple and unostentatious, devoid of any competitiveness.

She revealed that the turban in those days was part of identity and culture for Kashmiri Pandits.  Kashmiri Pandit ladies in addition to sporting traditional ethnic dress of 'Pheran' and head dress of 'Targa' would also wear a veil (burka) over it while moving out of their homes. In contrast to the black coloured veil worn by Muslim women, Pandit ladies would wear white coloured 'burka'. The burka clad Pandit women were referred as a 'Setra Khatoon'. 

Mrs. Arundati  Dass said the peculiar ambience combined with spectacular picturesque surrounding around the temple would arouse spiritual ecstasy in all and sundry.  The stone steps leading to the temple  at the start were smaller in size, . The staircase was called 'Pandav Haer' in their times.

According to her, on chiselled stone steps of 'Panda Haer' four to five devotees could climb up together at a time. Before entry into the temple, there stood a huge 'Bren' tree on  the left side of the plain area. It had a stone idol of Lord Ganesh at its base, which was smeared with 'sindoor'. Before making an entry into the temple, the devotees would perfom puja of Lord Ganesh.  The enclosure of the temple was spacious enough to accommodate two dozen devotees at a time. Smt. Arundati recounted that a huge 'Shila' about six feet long and same width and half a feet thick was the holy sanctum sanatorum of the temple. The 'Shila' is regarded as the manifestation of Goddess Sharda. It was in the middle of the inner enclosure of the temple. As per belief a spring of divine nectar (amrit kund) exists underneath the holy 'Shila'.

A streamlet, which flowed in the courtyard of the temple was believed to have its' origin from the divine 'Amrit Kund'. It was known by the name of Madhumati. A traditional belief says that the devotees could hear the sound of the underground water flow if one put his ears on the Shila surface. According to a native folklore, Goddess Sharda is believed to have taken shelter inside the divine spring beneath the sanctified 'Shila' after having come-out from the nearby mountainous area of Narda on account of the displeasing and annonying pursuits of the demons there. Narda is a towering and giant mountain about 6-7 kms. away from Sharda Mata Temple. According to the same lore, Narda is regarded as the manifestation of the Goddess Sharda in the virgin form. Interestingly, Goddess Narda is one of the 'Kul Devis', of some of the Dogra Rainas of Jammu region. The temple lore believes that Goddess Sharda draped in the celestial attire and wearing divine gold and jewel ornaments resides in the 'Amrit Kund' underneath the holy 'Shila' of the temple. The same lore also says that the consecrated embellishments, accompaniments, divine garments and eating untensils like 'thali' of Sharda Mata are also sheltered in the sanctified spring of the Amrit Kund'.

As per local legend, a Kashmiri Pandit lady belonging to Gulgam, Kupwara was an ardent belover of Goddess Sharda. Driven by acute poverty, she came all the way from Gulgam to Sharda Mata temple and reverentially prayed to the Goddess to be redeemed from the deprivations. Pleased with her devotion, a divine 'thali' is a believed to have emerged from the sacred spring underneath the holy 'Shila'. It was believed to provide food whenever the said lady desired but on the condition that none other than her could make use of it. However, once the said lady  is said to have utilised the divine thali to offer food to her brother. The divine thali is believed to have broken into pieces at that very moment and simultaneously the thali is said to have vanished from the sacred spring. Another Sharda temple lore says that ferocious frontier tribals raiders, locally called 'Baemb' (Bamboos) once attacked the temple in order to grab the 'gold' and 'diamond' ornaments and other precious stones' supposed to exist in the  spring beneath the holy Shila.

They attempted to remove the sacred Shila, under which the divine spring exists. To their shock stinging wasps, poisonous snakes and deadly insects were believed to have emerged from the cracked corner of the Shila, which was slightly damaged in the process of uprooting. Frightened by this dreadful sight, 'Baemb' are said to have fled away without causing much damage to the holy Shila. The damaged corner of the Shila, which was seen even upto the year 1947 bore testimony to this belief. During the conversation, Smt. Arundati reminisced that a small idol of Mata Sharda also occupied a reverential place inside the temple those days. However, for the devotees, the hallowed Shila regarded as the manifestation of Goddess Sharda was the sanctum sanatorum and epitome of reverence. The devotees would pay obeisance to the Shila amidst chanting of hymns and sacred shlokas in praise of Mata Sharda. They would also undertake a circuitous walk around the holy Shila.

Part 2 missing???

Kashmir, a repository of an ancient culture, rich heritage and time tested traditions abounds in unequalled mysticism and piousness. The unsullied serenity and spiritual ambience of the holy land instantly unites us with it’s illustrious past. Folklore, ancient stories, legends and mouth tell tales rooted in majestic traditions remind us of our exalted spiritual, religious and cultural past. They keep our hopes and faith alive and afloat.

Likewise, the famed Sarada temple situated in Krishanaganga Valley shares a history that stretches back into thousands of years old legacy. Sh. Janki Nath Dhar, an erstwhile resident of the village Bamhama, district Kupwara (Kashmir) visited Sarada Shrine in August, 1947. Despite his declining age and lengthy passage of time, he still retains the obsessive reverence for the Sarada Mata Shrine. Sharing the cherished moments of his visit with the author, Sh. Dhar  recounted that Goddess Sarada was the most revered, most talked about and one of the tallest indigenous deity of Kashmiri Pandits in the times of yore. The temple was also venerated as one of the most holiest shrines as faith in Goddess Sarada resonated down the ages transcending social, cultural and belief affiliations. During a long interaction with the author, Sh Dhar revealed that Sarada Shrine situated in now nondescript area of Drov. in Krishanaganga Valley in Pak occupied Kashmir was a religious heartland in the days bygone. The entire neighbourhood of Krishanaganga Valley was regarded as the holy domain of Goddess Sarada.

Recapping the fondest memories of his visit to the temple, Sh Janki Nath Dhar nostalgically recalled that pilgrimage route commencing from his native village of Bamhama would lead to the village of Laderwan, situated at a distance of about four kms. from Bamhama. It would take two hours to foot the distance from Bamhama to Liderwan, both villages lying on the Chowkibal road. He recollected that the pilgrims would make a night stay mostly at the village Zurhama, which is about 3 to 4 kms away from Liderwan, though some would prefer Liderwan for the same. The village Zurhama was wholly inhabited by Muslim households. At Zurhama, the devotees would commonly make a night stay near the village water-will. The pilgrimage trek from Zurhama village would take a steep ascent towards Bundookpal, which is about six to seven kms away from here. Bundookpal, also known by the alternative name of Ganeshpal is a dense forest populated by huge Pine and Deodar trees. Kashmiri Pandits identified the huge boulder of Bundookpal with the image of Lord Ganesh. They would accordingly engage themselves in performing pooja with the 'Roth' (sweetened home-made rotis) carried by them. Dudhniyal, the next village on the pilgrimage path was situated on the bank of the legendary Krishanaganga river. About twenty five to thirty Muslim households existed in the village at that time. Many pilgrims would prefer to spend the night at Dudhniyal, while others would move ahead. A three to four feet wooden foot-bridge held in position by suspended iron ropes, locally known as 'Zampakadal' would ferry the pilgrims across the Krishanaganga river. Marhom (Marhoma) was the next village ahead, which is at a distance of 10-11 kms. from Dudhniyal. About three kms. ahead of Marhom, was the village of Khargam. A lone Kashmiri Pandit, native of Seerjagir, Sopore owned a shop at Khargam. On the last leg of the pilgrimage was a small 'Zampakadal' type wooden foot-bridge, locally known as 'Sarada Kadal', which would lead to the village Saradi.

The village Saradi has a plain area in the beginning, which would extend gradually towards an upland elevation. Recapitulating further. Sh. Dhar recounted that shopkeepers comprising both Muslims and Kashmiri Pandits, had their shops situated on the left side of the approaching shrine path. The temple was situated on a small hillock, which overlooked the surrounding Saradi village. The temple is said to have occupied an area of about four kanals of land. Sarada temple was intermediately positioned, located about thirty feet from the last stone-step of the staircase. An appreciable area of the temple courtyard had a lavish spread of chisselled stones,. The inside enclosure of the temple was somewhat arched occupying an area of about fourteen feet. The holy 'Shila' comprising the sanctum sanctorium occupied a central place inside the temple. The temple built of massive rock stone blocks had a wooden roof with a heavy double panel wooden door laced with a stout fastening iron chain on the outside. The devotees with overriding devotion would pay obeisance to the holy 'Shila' amidst sacred chants, bhajans, tolling of bells, burning of incense sticks and dhoop. Flowers and milk usually mixed with saffron were offered to the holy 'Shila' accompanied by vermilion application.

The stone staircase was braced by stone-walls on both sides with an accompaniment of a decorous entry gate-way. The temple was approachable both from Muzaffarabad town now in Pakistan occupied Kashmir and also by Chokibal road along the west bank of Krishanaganga river branching from the frontier district of Kupwara (Kashmir). Amongst the temple priests, Pt. Nand Lal Laderwani was the lone priest, who was permanently settled at Saradi village along with his family. He owned a house and a piece of cultivation land, where he would raise maize plantation. A few dharamshallas numbering 5-6 also existed on the left side of the temple courtyard, where the pilgrims would stay. According to Mr Dhar there were two 'Havan-Kunds' of about 4x4 feet dimensions, which were 10-12 feet away from the dharamshalla and were used for offering sacrificial oblations. A water flow believed to have its' origin from the celestial 'Amrit Kund' beneath the holy 'Shila' could be spotted on the left side of the approaching path of the temple.

It would eventually mingle with the meandering Krishanaganga river after ascending down. A little away from the temple courtyard on the right side was the imposing fort. A small pathway from the temple courtyard would also lead to the fort, though it remained mostly in disuse.

About 200 feet away from the temple premises overlooking the enthralling Saradi village, a few nomadic settlements could be spotted. Maize cultivation and cattle rearing were their main stay and source of sustenance. Their belief in the Goddess Sarada, popularly remembered as 'Maie' was steadfast as they had unwavering faith in Her. The native Muslims spoke of Her as bestower of success, prosperity, good luck, nourishment and bounteous crops. During unsavoury situations and troubled times, they would prey and petition Her for protection and shelter. Sh Janki Nath Dhar also revealed that the native Muslims would also offer a part of their maize crop to 'Sarada Maie' as an offering of thanks after harvesting crops. They also held a strong belief that Sarada Maie would never let them down and would steer them through tumultuous times and hardships. The trust and sureness in the Goddess Sarada was so enormous that Muslim shopkeepers selling milk would refuse to accept money from Kashmiri Pandit pilgrims once they would become aware that the milk offering was for the Goddess. Ganga Ashtami also known as Sarada Ashtami falling on Bhadrapada Shuklapaksh Ashtami, locally known as Bhaderpeth Zoona Pach Athum, was the most enthusiastically looked forward festival. The festival would last six to seven days. The temple teemed with devotees and would buzz with religious activities and fervour. The pilgrims would immerse themselves in heartfelt and meaningful prayers and would get blessed and spiritually rewarded in entirety. The sacrificial offering of a male sheep performed on Bhadrapada Shuklapaksh Navami, a day after Ashtami was a part of Sarada temple festival. It was effected in a space reserved for the said offering in the backyard spot below the temple staircase. The offering of 'tahar charvun'(rice cooked with turmeric powder and oil and mixed with cooked sheep liver) was also a part of the temple ritual on Bhadrapada Shuklapaksh Navami. The temple priest would invariably get the shoulder blade meat portion of the sacrificial  offering on the said day. Many of the devotees would also prefer to make vegetarian offering of halwa and kheer. As per a popular folklore widespread in Krishanaganga Valley and it's neighbourhood in not too distant past, Lord Krishna is believed to have made a sojourn to the said area to meet Pandvas during their wandering in exile.

In commemoration and remembrance of the said memorable and monumental event, the native river Ganga is believed to have been renamed as Krishanaganga in honour of Lord Krishana by the residents of the land. In addition to it, the visit Lord Rama, Mata Sita and Lakshmana to the said region during their exile also formed a part of the centuries old native legend.

Suffice to say that Sarada Mata is a part of our native identity and collective faith asset of thousands of years old civilisational heritage. Irrespective of the social and cultural diversity and beliefs, the reverence and faith for Her is integrated fully into our local culture and folklore. The numerous legends, stories, oral narratives and myths woven around Her have not only immortalized but also historicied Sarada Mata Shrine. Unquestionably the Goddess Sarada's sovereign authority and hold over the entire region extending from Krishananga Valley to Kashmir constitutes a sort of our folklore emblem. It is due to Her overpowering and overbearing presence that Kashmir is known as 'Sarada Mandal', 'Sarada Desh', 'Sarada Peeth', the native language as ''Sharada' and forest, in the vicinity of Sarada Shrine as 'Sarada Van'. 

 --To be continued

Kashmiri Pandit Diaspora in Himachal Pradesh - An Overview


By Upender Ambardar

Himachal Pradesh, covering over 55,673 sq-kilometres and situated south of Jammu and Kashmir is a mountainous state. Besides being full of natural splendour is also rich in religious and cultural traditions. The native people are simple, honest, deeply religious and God-fearing. The local rituals, traditions, customs and beliefs are intricately woven into the texture of their social and cultural life.

Topographically, Himachal Pradesh comprises of the lush-green region of Dalhousie-Chamba-Barmaur, the serene segment of Dharmashalla-Kangra-Mandi belt nestling in the picturesque Dhauladhar hills, Kullu-Manali area, known as the Valley of Gods, Kinnaur--the abode of Lord Shiva Kinnar-Kailash, the Buddhist influence dominated portion of Lahaul-Spiti besides Shimla proper and its adjoining hills.

The state rich in green vales and bracing climate offers the nearest approximation to the unforgettable memories and pleasures of our 'lost' paradise of Kashmir. Perhaps, due to this, hundreds of miles away from the land of their birth, a substantial number of Kashmiri Pandits have come to adopt Himachal Pradesh as their second home and hearth.

Kashmiri Pandits are mostly concentrated at Shimla known as the queen of hills, Solan, with it's adjoining localities of Chamba-ghat, Kot-nalla andSaproon, Kangra, MandiPalampur and Dharamshalla, besides a few families of our community to be spotted at Bilaspur proper, Nahan, NurpurSundernagar and Poantasahib. Apart from it, Dera-Gopalpora, Baijnath and Kot-Khai have a Kashmiri Pandit family each. Most of them have come-out from Kashmir between 1947 to 1950's for better avenues in employment and economic opportunities.

A majority of them have rendered their services in the education sector and by-dint of their hard labour and worth, rose to occupy the prestigious posts of Head-masters and Principals of the various Govt. Schools and Colleges.

Late Sh. Nand Lal Kachroo, hailing from Baramulla (Kashmir) was the first to start and head the first Govt. B.Ed. College of the state at Solan. The second generation Kashmiri Pandits are well-qualified, being professors, doctors, engineers and scientists, besides a few among them having their own business and a small fraction being orchadists. A few Kashmiri Pandits have also seen distinguished career as I.P.S., I.A.S. and State Civil Service Officers. Mr Arvind Koul was the Chief Secretary of the state until last year. Mr MK Kaw has rendered his services as Secretary, Finance and Education in Himachal Pradesh. A few members of our community have either served or are still serving as scientists and professors at the Potato Research Centre, Shimla, Dr. Y.S. Parmar Forestry and Horticulture University and Nouni (Solan), Agriculture University, Palampur and Himachal Pradesh University located at Summer Hill, Shimla. Indira Gandhi Medical College Hospital, Shimla has also on its rolls a few doctors of our community. A few Kashmiri Pandit doctors have also well established private clinics of their own like that of Dr Bali (hailing from Baramulla) at Sunder-Nagar and Dr. Upender Koul (Swati Clinic at the Mall, Solan). A lone family of our community, namely Dr. B.L. Dhar residing at Chamba-Ghat (Solan) is a principal scientist and Head of the Mushroom Research Centre located at Chamba-Ghat. A few of our community members are also found in other professions like that of Banks, Post Office, AG's office and the state departments.

Palampur has more than a dozen families of our community, having settled here after 1990 and mainly comprise of doctors, research scientists and professors. The notable among the distinguished galaxy of Palampur being Dr RK Ogra, Dr Bimal Misri, Dr VK Koul, Dr MK Mattoo, Dr TK Bhat, Dr. DP Bhat, Dr Surender Bhan and Sh. Kulbushan Raina, who is working as Divisional Manager in an Insurance Company. Likewise, Dr Ravinder Raina of Kot-Nala (Solan) is a scientist in the Forest Products Deptt. at Nouni University, Dr VK Mattoo and his wife Dr Neelam Mattoo are professors at HP University and Dr Lokesh Koul, Professor Emeritus has also served as Chairman and Dean of Student's relations at HP University, Shimla. Dr SN Peshin (Scientist) and Professor ON Dulloo (Retd. College Vice-Principal) of Solan have also contributed in their respective fields. Sh. B.N. Koul, a resident of Solan is a retired Chief Engineer of Himachal Pradesh PWD.

Mr PN Kher, father of the popular cine actor Sh. Anupam Kher is a prominent and well-known personality of Shimla, still deeply rooted in Kashmiri culture and traditions. Baijnath, having cool embracing climate is a quiet town on the Kangra-Baijnath road and known as Shiv-Dham is famous for its Shiva temples, especially Baijnath (one of the names of Lord Shiva being Vaidyanath).

Baijnath has a single Kashmiri family of Kouls residing here.

The head of this family, Sh. Makhan Lal Koul (B.Sc., B.Ed, M.A), originally resident of Sathu Barbarshah, Srinagar migrated to Himachal Pradesh in 1950. He joined the State Education Department, served in various capacities and retired as Principal from the Govt. High School, Deol. His wife Smt. Gouri Raina Koul (B.A., B.Ed) has also served as a teacher at Govt. School, Baijnath. Their son Dr. Jatinder Koul (M.B.B.S. M.D) is a medical officer at Govt. Hospital, Baijnath and is presently doing specialisation in Cardiology at Delhi. His wife Dr. Sudesh Koul (M.B.B.S. M.S.) is serving as a Gynecologist at Govt. Hospital, Baijnath. One of their daughters, Dr. Jyoti, having a doctorate in Chemistry is serving as a lecturer in S.D. College,  Palampur. Another daughter Mrs. Renu Koul, being M.Sc. and M.Phil. in Physics is Head of the Physics Deptt. in S.D. College, Bajnath. One more daughter Mrs. Indu Koul is M.Sc. & M.Phil in Chemistry and is a lecturer at the S.D. College, Baijnath, since 1985. She is married to Sh. Sailash Raina, an engineer in Prasar Bharati.

A single Kashmiri Pandit family of Hakhoos, having own pharmaceutical business, is settled at Paprola, adjacent to Baijnath.

One more Kashmiri Pandit family of Sh. Suresh Raina is settled at the village Sungal on the Baijnath-Paprola road. He is dealing in scientific equipment business.

About six kilometres from Baijnath on the Sakdi-Gadyara-Longoo road is a small village called by the name of Rainabadi (mutilated pronunciation of Rainawari locality of Srinagar), which houses about half a dozen Raina families. They claim that their ancestors had migrated from Kashmir during the Muslim rule. All these Raina families are non-Kashmiri speaking and are completely absorbed in the local social set-up. Except for their Kashmiri surname of 'Raina', no trace of Kashmiri linkage is evident among them. Apart from being in business, they are in the army or are serving as 'purohits'.

All the three Kashmiri Pandit families of Baijnath, Paprola and Sungal are Kashmiri speaking and observe all the Kashmiri festivals and rituals. Our hats off to them for having retained Kashmiri traditions, values and way of life even after being hundreds of miles away from Kashmir.

They even now nostalgically recall and remember their Kashmiri Association and those blissful reminiscences still haunt them.

Dharmashalla city has a substantial number of Kashmiri Pandit families, both pre and post 1990 settlers, some of them having settled here after Anantnag riots. A few among them have distinguished themselves as educationists. Prof. Koul, a retd. College Principal is now permanently settled at Depo Bazar, Dharmashalla. A non-Kashmiri speaking old Kashmiri, Mr. Anil Raina, whose ancestors seem to have come-out from Kashmir during Muslim-rule, is working at the Museum of Kangra Art, Dharmashalla.

A few kilometres away from Dharamshalla is Yole Cantt, which has about half a dozen Kashmiri Pandit families permanently settled here. A few among them like Raina's and Marhata's are doing well in business. A K.P. family of Raina's, originally hailing from Shangus village in district Anantnag has a well established Provisions’ store shop in the heart of Yole Cantt. Having migrated from their village Shangus more than three decades back, very little of the community's cultural or traditional traits are now visible in them.

Mandi and Kangra districts have an appreciable number of Kashmiri Pandit families, being both pre and post-1990 settlers. Many among them have their own business establishments ranging from garments, hard-ware, provision-stores and medical shops.

Chamba proper and Nurpur towns have exclusively a few non-Kashmiri speaking old Kashmiri Pandit families. Except for their Kashmiri surnames (mostly Raina, Koul, Dhar) still retained, they are almost completely and fully absorbed in the local social set-up and atmosphere. These forgotten members of our community have long-ago been separated from us by the unfortunate viccssitudes of time and happenings. They claim to have come-out fromKashmir hundreds of years back during the tyrannical Muslim regimes. In Chamba proper, there are about five families of Himachalis mostly with the surname of Sharma, who are called as 'Shun-Pharan'. These five 'Shun-Pharan' families claim to have Kashmiri lineage, the only remembrance of it being that they had migrated from Kashmir during the Mughal King Aurangzebs' rule.

A prominent member of one of these ‘Shun-Pharan’ families of Chamba, namely Sh. Vinay Sharma with whom I had a chance encounter is incidentally married in an old Kashmiri family of Koul's of Nurpur. His wife Dr. Reeta Koul (Sharma) is a curator at the National Museum, Janpath, New Delhi. The old Kashmiris of Chamba town include Sh. Satish Raina, Sh. Ishwar Raina, working in the state P.W.D. and the family of late Sh. Vasudev Pandit. In Chamba town, a few families are still referred to as 'Kashmiris' in their neighbourhood, though they are settled here for more than a century. A few old Kashmiri families residing at Nurpur, include Sh. Ashok Koul, ex-Manager Grindlay's Bank, whose home is at Lambi-Gali, Nurpur.

There are many references about Kashmir in the local beliefs. The folk-songs of Barmaur a tribal area of Chamba mention Lord Shiva having made Mani-Mahesh of Barmaur as his abode after having come-out from Kashmir. Even the local deity of upper Shimla region, known as 'Mahasu', is said to have 'Kashmir connection' (to be elaborated later-on).

In addition to it, the local deity of some of the villages in Rajgarh area of Sirmour district of Himachal Pradesh, known by the name of 'Shargul' is said to owe his birth to 'rudra-patt' recital and 'havan' performed by a virtuous and a highly learned Kashmiri Brahman priest Pandit Desh Nath Koul of Jogilankar Rainawari, Srinagar. Pandit Desh Nath Koul, remembered in Rajgarh villages as Deshu Pandit is said to have performed the oblations of ''yagya'  at his Jogilankar residence around 12th century in-order to give a heir to the throne of the local king called Bhukdu. The said King is believed to have personally visited Pt. Desh Nath Koul's Srinagar residence and is said to have trekked the long distance in about three month's time.

In certain areas of Mandi, those afflicted with doubts and uncertainties in life and who are eager to known answers to their problems, approach a few available local Brahmans. The learned Brahmans before answering their queries, first of all offer their salutations to 'Sharda-Mandla' i.e. Kashmir on opening the very first page of their Jyotish related book called 'Sancha', locally.

The said 'Jyotish knowledge' is said to have travelled to this area fromKashmir itself in ancient times. Even Sharda, the ancient script of Kashmir seems to have been quite popular and wide-spread in Mandi and Kangra belt in the tenth century A.D. I personally could spot a Sharda inscriptions on a stone-slab in the Baijnath (Shiva) temple of Baijnath town.

In-addition to it, the Kangra school of painting owes much to the excellence of the artists of the families belonging to 'Raina' surname. These families are residents of Sumloti and Ludwada (Gagal) villages of Kangra district, the prominent among them being Sh. Chandu Lal Raina, Satprakash Raina and Sarandass Raina. Though they are now Himachalis, yet in every respect they seem to be the 'lost' members of our own community.

My interactions with my community members, now scattered at different places in Himachal Pradesh, makes me to feel that there is a pang in every heart and a regret for the happy days that no longer exist.

They long for their homes and the 'paradise' lost and relive the sorrows of their absence from home by recollecting and recapturing time and again those happy and blissful moments about the  days of the past.

The present essay is merely overview of the Kashmiri Pandits’ diaspora in Himachal Pradesh. A more comprehensive account, area-wise, will follow in the subsequent issues.

Kashmiri Pandit Diaspora in Himachal Pradesh - Shimla


By Upender Ambardar

The district Shimla comprises Shimla proper, Chopal, Rohru, Chadgaon, Dodrakwar, Theog, Narkanda, Kot-garh, Kot-Kahai, Jubal, Sunni and Rampur Bushur. Shimla, the capital of 'Dev Bhoomi' Himachal Pradesh known as the 'Queen of Hills' is one of the most frequented summer resorts of India. Situated at an altitude of 7,230 feet and spread on both sides of the Ridge, Shimla is nestled in the lap of lush green thick forests of Deodar and Pine. Shimla is remarkable for the beauty of its landscape, snowcapped mountain ranges, vast stretches of lush green foliage and above all pollution free atmosphere. Without any exaggeration, it is truly a scene from the wonderland, something out of a fairy tale. Discovered by the British officers in the year 1819 and declared as the summer capital of the British India in the year 1864, Shimla draws it's name from the Goddess Shyamla, another name for the Goddess Kali.

Shimla is also known for it's silence drenched atmosphere, cool and refreshing mountain air, enchanting panoramic view and awesome secludedness. Being about 117 kms. from Chandigarh and 96 kms. from Kalka, the first gateway to Himachal Pradesh, Shimla is well connected both by excellent roadway and an engineering marvel of narrow gauge rail link from Kalka. A travel by the hill or toy train from Kalka to Shimla makes a fascinating and always to be remembered rail journey. Moving at a gentle speed of 22 kms per hour and passing through 102 tunnels, 809 bridges, a series of sharp curves cum gradients and twenty picturesque stations of Taksal, Koti, Barog, Dharampur, Solan, Kandaghat, Tara Devi, Winding it's way through the Prospect Hill and Summer Hill, finally making it's last stop at Shimla. It takes 5 to 6 hours to reach Shimla by train, whileas it is only 4½ hrs. run by road from Chandigarh. Shimla is also famous for the Mall road and the Ridge, which are it's nerve-centres and heart-throbs. Mall road, the main shopping centre is dotted with endless rows of shops, restaurants, bars, famous Gaiety Theatre and magnificent heritage buildings, which are the architectural masterpieces of the British times.

Large crowds of all ages enjoying pop-corns or ice-creams can usually be spotted, while pacing the length of the Mall innumerable times. It lends a holiday and a fair like mood and atmosphere to the Ridge and the Mall. The majestic Christ Church and the spectacular 'Ashyana' and 'Gufa' restaurants are major attractions with the visitors on the Ridge. About 2 kms. from the Ridge atop the Jakho hills at an altitude of 8,000 feet is the ancient and most revered temple of 'Sankatmochan' Hanuman. Hanuman is believed to have stopped here for a while during his search for 'Sanjeevani Booti' forLakshamana. About 2.4 kms. from the Ridge is Annadale, the lush-green play ground and a picnic spot of the British times and 4 kms from it is a densely forested Glen at an altitude of 6,000 feet gifted with an ice cold water stream, Glen is a delightful secluded spot for the nature lovers. Little further away on the Mall road near Ambedkar Chowk, is the Himachal Pradesh State Museum, which has a fabulous and impressive collections of art objects, Pahari paintings, antiques besides numerous bronze and wood-work sculptures.

Further away on the same route near Choura-Maidan is the famous Indian Institute of Advanced Studies, previously known as Rashtrapati Niwas or Viceregal Lodge. It is an impressive British castle set amidst calm and serene surroundings with a spacious garden and endless rows of huge pine trees. The Rashtrapati Niwas is now home to eminent scholars. A short distance ahead of it is Summer Hill, which is a lovely suburb of Shimla at an altitude of 6,500 feet. It is well known for the 220 feet Chadwick fall and the Himachal Pradesh University. Summer Hill has quiet surroundings with secluded shady walks. It is an unforgettable joy to take a walk on the Summer Hill-Advanced Studies forest route, which I myself have enjoyed umpteen times amidst forest fragrance laden fresh breeze. About five kms. from Shimla at an altitude of 8,137 feet above Boileagunj, enroute to Jatogh is the Prospect Hill, which has a temple of Kamna Devi. Mushabra, Kufir, Confer crowded Naldhera, wild flower hall (a British settlement of Lord Kitchener time), Chail and apple orchard packed Phagu are the lovely and charming outskirts of Shimla, which are ideal retreats for nature lovers'.

Sanjoli, a lovely suburb of Shimla at an altitude of 7,400 feet is about 3 kms. from the Ridge. It has a temple of Goddess Durga and a Buddhist monastery and is also approchable from lakar bazaar. The temple of Goddess Tara Devi about 11 kms. from Shimla near Shogi atop the highest mountain top, besides being a venerated spot is an unbelievable picturesque site of unspoiled charm.

Shimla, a city of antiquity and modernity is a 'Home' away from the original home for about a hundred families of Kashmiri Pandit community. They are mainly concentrated at New Shimla, Chotta Shimla, Sanjoli, Fingasu estate, Nabha Annadale and Summer Hill with a few families settled enroute Mall.

Kashmiri diaspora in Shimla also includes a significant number of Kashmiri Muslims, who number about 2500 souls. They are usually referred to as 'Khans' here. A majority of them are engaged in the laborious task of transportation of all types of household and consumer items in the inaccessible hilly terrain of Shimla. Besides Shimla, they can be spotted even in the remotest and innermost places of Palampur, Baijnath, Mandi Dharamshalla, Kullu Manali, Shogi, Solan, Kangra and Jawalaji.

Besides being roadside vendors, they own a number of vegetable and provision shops. Mr Qazi Shah hailing from Qazigund and a native of Hyderpora Srinagar own showroom cum shops in the prestigious Mall road near the Scandal Point. Both of them deal in Kashmiri handicrafts, shawls, embroidered phiran' and artifacts. In the lower bazaar of old Shimla, dozens of Kashmiri Muslim families reside collectively in the local mosque. This complex represents a microsome or mini Kashmir as inside it's complex, they own shops ranging from tailor, barber, watch-repairing in addition to salted tea and delectable 'Wazwan' shops. Besides being associated with domestic gas agencies throughout Shimla, a few among them are 'A' grade civil contractors and labour supplying contractors. Some of them are also connected with tourist trade, acting as tourist guides, tour operators and managers in private hotels. Inspite of their long stay in Shimla, Kashmiri Muslims, have zealously guarded their religious and cultural identity, retaining their traditional dress, mother tongue and food habits.

After their day's schedule, they frequently tune to Radio Srinagar to enjoy Kashmiri music broadcast from that station. Dozens of Kashmiri Muslim families are permanently settled in the village Teesa situated in the tribal area of Barmur in Chamba district of Himachal Pradesh, which borders Bhaderwah in Jammu and Kashmir state. They are there for more than a hundred year and to utter amazement, their mother tongue is Kashmiri.

A majority of Kashmiri Pandits have come to Shimla in the early fifties driven by the lure of better employment avenues and prospects. A significant number of them were educationists, while others have contributed their skill and expertise in various state departments. Mostly they have served as Headmasters, Principals and Professors in the state educational institutions, which speaks volumes about their resilience and determination to succeed in alien surroundings. Though physically detached from Kashmir, yet a majority of them are still mentally and emotionally attached to their moorings, though after effects of cultural displacement are also visible among them.

The second generation Pandit diaspora includes doctors, engineers, information professionals, professors, scientists, civil servants (I.A.S. and I.P.S. officers), technocrats,  teachers and Bank officers, besides serving in various state departments. A few among them also own orchards.

The well-known Kashmiri Pandits of Shimla include famous Bollywood actor Anupam Kher and his father Sh Pushkar Nath Kher, Sh M.K. Kaw, the former distinguished civil servant, Dr. Lokesh Koul, ex-Dean Academic Affairs and Professor Emeritus Himachal Pradesh University, Dr VK Mattoo, Professor Deptt. of Biosciences Himachal Pradesh University, Shimla, Mr. Ravinder Nath Koul, Director Inter State Himachal Pradesh Electricity Board, Sh. Arvind Koul, ex-Chief Secretary and Chairman, Himachal Pradesh Public Service Commission, Sh. PK Mattoo, (I.A.S.) retd. Chief Secretary, Sh. O.N. Channa, the first Chief Secretary, Dr C.L. Kundu, ex-Vice Chancellor of Himachal Pradesh University, Dr. Pushkar Nath Thusoo, ex-Director Agriculture Department and founder Director of Central Potato Research Institute, Bambloi, Dr. Khushoo, scientist, ex-Director of Central Potato Research Institute, Sh. Kundu, I.P.S. officer, Sh. B.L. Pandit, retd. I.P.S. officer, Sh. T.N. Ganjoo, a prominent educationist and retired Headmaster, fondly known as Masterji, Sh. S.L. Koul, retired Principal, Sh. N.N. Raina, a wall known educationist, Dr. Krishna Raina, ex-Head of the Deptt. of Hindi, Himachal Pradesh University.

Dr. Prabhu Krishan Raina, ex-Reader Himachal Pradesh University and presently Reader Indian Institute of Technology Khargpur, late Professor Ravinder Kumar, ex-Head of the Department of History, Himachal Pradesh University, Sh. T.N. Wangnoo, ex-Personal Secretary to the Governor Himachal Pradesh, Sh. Shyam Lal Koul, ex-Deputy Director of Education Department and Retd. Principal, Sh. P.K. Raina, Retd. Principal, late Sh. Gobind Koul, Retd. Asstt. Post Master, Sh. D.N. Bhan, Retd. Section Officer, Himachal Pradesh A.G., Sh. Ramji Koul, ex-President of Kashmiri Pandit Association Shimla, Sh. K.N. Wali, Retd. Deputy Director, Planning Commission, Govt. of India, Sh. Surinder Nath Koul, Retd. School Principal, Sh. N.L. Raina, Deputy Director Education (Retd.), Sh. Nakhasi, Retd. Deputy Director Education Department, Sh. O.N. Dhar, Retd. Superintendent Forest Department and his son Sh. Sunil Dhar, a businessman and a political activist and Sh. Jawahar Koul, Bank officer and a host of others. (To be taken-up in subsequent issues).

Late Raja Dhyan Nath, 'one time owner of Shimlas' famous Ritz Cinema and Revoli Cinema is  also said to have been an old Kashmiri Pandit (non-Kashmiri speakings). Raja Dhyan Nath is believed to have settled here, when Shimla was a summer capital of British Indian Empire. However, with the passage of time, their ownership has now changed hands.

The old timers recall that he would always wear a hat and carry a walking stick. He would often claim with profound sense of pride "I am also a Kashmiri Pandit." Raja Dhyan Nath owned vast stretches of orchards at New Shimla. Sh. Kahan Chand is said to be the first Kashmiri Pandit to own a shop in the lower Bazaar Shimla near the start of Sabzi Mandi street. He is believed to have settled in Shimla before 1947. His provision store shop was frequented by the community diaspora for Kashmiri spices and 'Kangri' , though his sons have now shifted to dry fruits and wholesale distribution of light eatable items. In Rampur Bushur of district Shimla, two brothers namely late Sh. Shyam Lal and late Sh. Bansi Lal would refer themselves as Shyam Lal Kashmiri and Bansi Lal Kashmiri. Their descendents have now adopted the surname of 'Kashmiri'. Both Sh. Shyam Lal Kashmiri and Sh. Bansi Lal Kashmiri were orchadists and fruit contractors. Before finally settling in Rampur Bushur, they were living in Sunder Nagar. They claim to have come-out from Kashmir centuries back. One of their descendents Sh. Raj Kumar Kashmiri is presently running a S.T.D. Shop and another one is serving in a Bank at Rampur Bushur.

My posting and consequent stay at Shimla was a voyage of discovery for me. The numerous interactions and chitchats which I had with the ‘baradari’ members settled there for decades were undeniably a refreshing throwback to the blissful yesterdays, in addition to the pleasant trips down the memory lane. Barring a few marginal exceptions, the striking approximation of geographical and salubrious climatic conditions with Kashmir are sufficient enough to make the old memories come back to haunt our hearts and minds. Driven by ambition and the urge to achieve more, in addition to a vibrant combination of the qualities of resilience, determination and adaptability have made the Kashmiri Pandits to lead meaningful lives and distinguish themselves in their respective fields in the alien conditions. The Veteran actor and famous Bollywood celebrity Sh Anupam Kher (Khar), fondly known by his pet name ‘Bittu’ is pride of Shimla and the entire Himachal Pradesh. His father Sh. Pushkar Nath Kher lives at Fingasu estate near the famous Kalibari temple on one of the divergent routes of the Mall road.

Originally, belonging to Nai Sarak, Habbakadal Srinagar, Sh. Pushkar Nath Kher migrated to Shimla in the year 1950 lured by better prospects and opportunities available there. Now retired, he has served in the administrative sections of the forest department of Himachal Pradesh in various capacities.

Sh PN Kher, himself is a familiar name and face in Shimla. I would often spot him taking strolls on the whole length of the Mall Road. Due to his endless love for Shimla, he prefers to spend most of his time at Shimla, excepting for a brief stay during winter at Mumbai with his actor son. Though distanced from the original roots for a pretty long time, Kashmir is still a name close to his heart, about which he is always warm and demonstrative in his feelings. During one of my numerous interactions with him, Sh. PN Kher reminisced in an emotional tone accompanied by a sudden rush of nostalgia: “Memories linked with snow-fall and making of ‘Sheen-Insan’ (Snow-man) during my childhood days at Srinagar are still etched in my mind. The appetizing taste of mouth watering Kashmiri dishes like ‘hogad-hak’ (sundried fish and hakhsag), ‘damalou’, ‘sochal-wangan’; inaddition to Mogyal Chai’ (kehwa) and traditional roti have still not forsaken my mind”. He alongwith his spouse speak Kashmiri with an amazing fluency. Both their sons Sh. Anupam (Bittu) and Ranjan Kher (Raju) were born, brought-up and educated at Shimla. After his initial studies at DAV School, Lakar-Bazar and SDB College, Longwood Shimla, Sh. Anupam Kher subsequently graduated from the National School of Drama, Chandigarh, Anupam’s maiden love for the theatre propelled him to travel to the tinsel town Mumbai to try his dame luck there. After his spectecular take-off with his first successful film ‘Saaransh’, made by Mahesh Bhat, Anupam Kher had a meteoric rise in the stardom carrier and since then there has been no looking back for him on the road to success and fame in the Bollywood. Happily married to Kiron Kher, a popular actress on her own, and his one-time N.S.D. classmate, they are now settled at Mumbai, where they also run a Dance and Theatre school for children. Kashmir and the ‘baradari’ matters are always close to Anupam Kher’s heart and he hardly misses a chance to espouse the related cause at the time of need. Likewise, Ranjan (Raju) Kher is also a well-known face in the TV serials and the celluloid world. The abundant love that the natives have for Anupam Kher, make them to look forward to his each and every visit to Shimla with eagerness.

Sh. Pyare Lal Kher, uncle of Sh. Anupam Kher, now a retired Central Govt. employee settled at Delhi has also adopted Shimla as his home. He was actively involved with the community affairs and has served as the secretary of the Kashmiri Pandit Sabha, Shimla for a few years.

Sh. MK Kaw, an esteemed name in the administrative and the ‘baradari’ set-up of Shimla is even today, after his retirement from the service, remembered for the luminosity of his contributions. He has occupied honoured and exalted positions in the beaurcratic set-up of Himachal Pradesh. Son of Sh. Prem Nath Kaw, a resident of Mallapora locality situated midway between Bana-Mohalla and Chinkral Mohalla, Srinagar, Sh. MK Kaw prior to his brief stay at Jammu came straight to Delhi from Srinagar in the year 1948, where his father served as a Central government employee. Both Sh MK Kaw and his younger sister Smt. Asha Kaw Sawroop belong to the elite Indian Administrative Service Cadre, whereas Dr. PK Kaw, their youngest brother, a renowned, scientist (Padamshree) is a doctorate in Physics. Dr. PK Kaw is Director of the prestigious Institute of Plasma Research, Ahmedabad, whileas his spouse Dr. Saroj Kaw (MBBS, MD) is running a private hospital at Ahmedabad, Gujrat. Born on 10th November 1941 at Srinagar, Sh. MK Kaw had initial schooling at the Govt. School, Malapora, where his grandfather late Sh. Shivjee Kaw was Headmaster. He reminisced in an emotional tone that the afterglow of the childhood memories of Srinagar are still fresh in his mind. He remembers with haunting emotional intensity the school days spent at the Govt. ‘Jabri’ school, Malpora Srinagar and the games enjoyed by him with the fellow children at the local temple courtyard. Sh MK Kaw besides being a Law Graduate has  double Post Graduation degrees  in Hindi and Public Administration. Being a person of affable nature, he has endeared himself to one and all, both natives and the baradari members with his amiable and supportive disposition. Sh MK Kaw, a combination of bureaucratic skills and literary and scholarly tastes is also a writer in Hindi and English. Besides having authored a collection of poems in English entitled ‘An Oasis of solitude, look closely at Om and Kusha Grass, he has a number of books like ‘Kehna Aasan Hai’ (a collection of poems), Ikshvaku Sae (a long poem) and a novel ‘Aasman Nahin Girta’ etc. to his credit. Being an IAS officer of the 1964 batch, he was alloted Himachal Pradesh cadre, where he occupied different positions.

He has served as Deputy Commissioner, Kangra from 1974 to 1976 and at Solan from the year 1973 to 1974 and then moved on the become Finance Secretary (upto 1977) and Director of Industries, Himachal Pradesh upto 1978. In the year 1978, he went on deputation to the Govt. of India but returned back to Himachal Pradesh administration in 1982, when he served as Principal Secretary to the erstwhile Chief Minister Sh Ram Lal and the present Chief Minister Raj Virbhadra Singh. Afterwards upto 1990, he served as Secretary Personal for one year, Secretary Education for three years and finally as Secretary Finance for three years. In the year 1990, he again went on deputation to the Central government in the  Ministry of Defence as Joint Secretary, then served as Additional Secretary, Revenue for three years, Member Secretary of the Fifth Central Pay Commission, Secretary Ministry of Civil Aviation for one year, Principal Advisor to the Planning Commission for two and a half years and finally moving on to occupy the coveted post of Secretary, Ministry of Education, Government of India before retiring from the service in the year 2000. His is married to Dr. Raj Kaw, a Ph.D in Hindi from the Himachal Pradesh University Shimla, who is presently serving as a lecturer in Jesus and Mary College, New Delhi.

Recapping the blissful memories of the yore, Sh MK Kaw confided that as a child he was thrilled beyond words in watching the river Vitasta, both during calm flow and its fearful surge during the floods, when the anchored 'Doongas' (house-boats) would float high-up to the second-floor windows of his maternal grandfather, late Sh. Sat Lal Sadhu's house situated on the river-front. The community members of Shimla with whom I interacted revealed that Sh. MK Kaw who functioned as patron of the Kashmiri Pandit Sabha Shimla was a moving spirit of its activities. Inspite of his busy schedule, he would ensure his participation in the various socio-religious functions of the community. The community members even now fondly recollect his help and guidance rendered to the baradari members during his stay at Shimla.

Sh Ravinder Nath Koul is another distinguished personality of Shimla, with whom I had  lengthy and animated conversation at his office housed in 'Kumar House', located in the nicest surroundings amidst the natural grandeour of the forest trees and the mountain ranges backdrop. He is holding the prestigious post of the Director, Inter State Himachal Pradesh Electricity Board.  Though detached from the original roots for a pretty longtime, Sh RN Koul is still anchored in the community traditions and customs. To my astonishment he speaks Kashmiri effortlessly and with natural ease. He is a resident of 'clarendon cottage', Upper Kaithu, Shimla. An original  of Sheed-Gunj near Neelam Cinema, Srinagar, his father late Sh. Brij Lal Koul served in the office of Account General, Shimla in the year 1948-49. After having completed B.Sc. engineering in the electrical branch from Benaras University, Sh RN Koul had a brief stint as Pool-officer with the J&K Government during 1972-73 followed by subsequent service in the Nahan Foundary for a short spell in 1973. He afterwards joined the Himachal Pradesh Electricity Board in the year 1973, where he is involved with the distribution, transmission, load despatch and commissioning activities of the Electricity Board. His steep rise to the prestigious and coveted post of the Director is a recognition of his professional excellence and competence. The crusading zeal and the lightening speed with which he successfully restored the power supply in the shortest possible time during the worst snowfalls in Himachal Pradesh during the years 1980 and 1990 is acknowledge as one of his laudable contributions.

His MBBS daughter is presently serving at Delhi, while as Sh RN Koul's spouse is a teacher at Shimla Public School. Sh RN Koul is also deeply involved with the socio-cultural activity of the community. For the past seven years, he is functioning as General Secretary of the Kashmiri Pandit Sabha, Shimla. He has also been instrumental in reviving the Sabha, which had gone oblivion for many years.

Dr. Lokesh Koul, Professor emeritus and a former Dean Academic Affairs of the Himachal Pradesh University, Shimla is another illustrious member of the Kashmiri diaspora of Shimla. My inquisitiveness to meet him drove me to foot the distance from my residence at Summer Hill to his lovely flat in the 'Everest Apartments' situated in the indescribable natural charm of the majestic deodar and pine tree surroundings at the lower Summer Hill. Dr Lokesh Koul, M.Sc. (Maths), M.Ed. (Gold Medalist) and a Doctorate in education is originally resident of Bana Mohalla, Razdan Kocha near Durga Patshalla, Srinagar. He joined the Himachal Pradesh University, Shimla as an Associate Professor in the Post Graduate department of Education in the year 1975 and was promoted as a Professor in 1978. He has also functioned as member of the Executive Council, Academic Council, Finance Committee and University Court. In 1988 he was elevated to the esteemed post of Dean of Studies (Dean Academic affairs, of the said University. He remained on this post for ten years, though the stipulated term is only two years. He also functioned as Dean. Student's Welfare. On the basis of his impressive academic research work and noteworthy administrative contribution rendered to the University, he was the first Professor of Himachal Pradesh University to be selected as Professor emeritus (a life term honour). Prior to this Dr Koul had served in the J&K State education department for brief spell of one and a half yearrs. During the Kashmiri Pandit agitation following the abduction of Parmeshori in 1967, he actively participated in the subsequent Satyagraha and protest demonstrations and in consequence he was put-up in the police lock-up for two weeks. Due to the resulting uneasy and flawed atmosphere in his department, he thought it better to resign from the service only to join as a lecturer in the Regional College of Education followed by Dayanand College of education at Ajmer from 1967 to 1969. He has also served as a lecturer at Kurukshetra University prior to his joining at the HP University.

Dr. Lokesh Koul has guided 39 Ph.D scholars and published five books in addition to 187 research articles, which have appeared in various national and international academic research journals. He has also figured as a one of the prides of Shimla in a survey conducted by a leading national newspaper during his hay days at the University. He also has six major projects financed by the UGC, NCERT and HRD Ministry to his credit. In addition to it, he is a consultant with the Commonwealth Higher Management Service, London, besides being a member of IGNOU, Advisory Board of NCERT and National Council for teachers' education. During my long chit-chat with him at his residence, the outpouring of emotions and love for Kashmir and the lost 'Home' was quite evident. He recalled with sadness "My heart still beats for my beloved Kashmir and even now, its very name spreads general cheer". With the approaching evening widening its net. I decided to end my animated conversation with him only to beat a hasty retreat to my residential quarter in the Radio Colony Summer Hill, being reminded of the memorable words "All the wealth of the world can not buy a 'Home' or pay for the loss of one; for a 'Home' is raised only by hearts".

My stay at Shimla was an odyssey of familiarization with the community diaspora settled here. The inquisitiveness on my part to equip myself fully with the related information, made me to trudge the downslide hilly path leading to Indira Cottage, Summer Hill Shimla. It is the residence of Dr VK Mattoo, a Professor in the Post Graduate department of Biosciences at the Himachal Pradesh University, Shimla. Dr VK Mattoo's father late Sh Amar Nath Mattoo, an inhabitant of Sona Masjid locality of Fatehkadal, Srinagar migrated to the princely state of Bilaspur in the year 1947 at the invitation of the then ruler late Raja Anand Chand. He was the ruler of the erstwhile Bilaspur state from the year 1931 to 1947. Dr VK Mattoo's father, Sh Amar Nath Mattoo had double post-graduation degrees in Hindi and Political Science besides being a B.Ed. He served in the education department of the Princely State in various capacities.

Dr VK Mattoo did his M.Sc. in Zoology in 1977 from the Himachal Pradesh University, and subsequently obtained the Doctorate degree in the year 1982 from the same University. The topic of his research work in PhD was 'Honey Bee Genetic Diversities in the Himalayn Region'.

Dr VK Mattoo's spouse Dr Neelam Mattoo is also serving in the Biosciences department of the Himachal Pradesh University, Shimla. Dr Neelam Mattoo has been awarded the PhD degree on the topic of "Honey Plant Resources of Himachal Pradesh" in the year 1989. Though being a native of Himachal Pradesh, Dr Neelam Mattoo is quite familiar with the cultural and social traditions of our community. She wears the auspicious and significant marriage symbol of 'Dejhor' without any inhibitions. During one of the chitchats, Dr Neelam Matto proudly revealed that she is adept in the preparation of traditional Kashmiri cuisine. She also shared her elation for being a member of the Mattoo family. Both Dr VK Mattoo and his spouse Dr Neelam Mattoo are down to earth people, endowed with affable nature and religious disposition.

Sh. PL Tikoo residing at Anand Cottage, Sanjouli, Shimla, is an original inhabitant of Tikoo Mohalla Shalla Kadal, Srinagar. He retired as PA in the Himachal Pradesh State Electricity Board, Shimla.

The lure of making a livelihood in Himachal Pradesh made Sh. PL Tikoo migrate to Shimla in the year 1960. He has two daughters and a son-Mr Ashwani Tikoo, who is working as a project officer in Life Insurance Corporation office Sanjouli, Shimla. One of the daughters of Sh. PL Tikoo-Ms Nimmi is married to Mr Ravinder Bakshi, while the other one-Ms Simmi is married to Sh KK Tutoo of Roop Nagar Jammu, who is working as an Agriculture Assistant in the J&K Agriculture department. Though a permanent resident of Shimla for about five decades, his long spell of absence from the birth place has not deterred Sh PL Tikoo to abandon his emotional hold on his mother-tongue as his entire family is Kashmiri speaking besides being sincerely devoted to the traditional Kashmiri moorings.

Sh JN Koul, who retired as Superintendent in the Himachal Pradesh Accountant General's Office, is settled at Jakho area of Shimla. He came to Shimla in the year 1952-53. Prior to his joining the AG'S office Shimla, Sh JN Koul has served in the Northern Railway Account's department at Shimla.

Sh. Bhola Nath Aima, an original resident of Habba Kadal, Srinagar is also one of the early settlers at Shimla. He has served in the Monitoring Service of All India Radio at Shimla and retired as Deputy Director from the said department.

He is now settled at Kaithu. One of his sons, Sh Jai Krishan, a correspondent in the Central Information Service is presently serving in the north-east region of  the country, while his other son is a representative in a pharmaceutical concern.

Sh. Bhola Nath's daughter, married to a Himachali, is serving in a bank of Shimla.

Sh Nand Lal Raina, settled at Phagli, Shimla has retired as a Superintendent from the Himachal Pradesh Secretariat, Shimla. He migrated to Shimla in the year 1952. One of his sons, Sh Roshan Lal Raina has served in the State Public Relations department and is now settled at Nabha estates, Shimla, while the other one-Sh Bushan Lal Raina has been an employee of Himachal Pradesh PWD.

Sh Shyam Lal Thathu, an erstwhile resident of Sopore came to Shimla in the year 1949-50. He joined as a stenographer in the secretariat of Himachal Pradesh and eventually retired as a Superintendent.

His brother Sh Brij Nath Thathu has served in the medical department, while the other one-Sh Omkar Nath Thathu was an employee of MES in Himachal Pradesh.

Sh KN Wali, an original resident of Rainawari, Srinagar migrated to Himachal Pradesh in the year 1956. After doing post graduation in Mathematics, he joined the department of Economics and statistics and by dint of his hard work and dedication rose to the post of the Director. Subsequently, he occupied the prestigious post of Deputy Director, Planning Commission, Government of India Delhi and was later on inducted in Indian Statistical Service, ISS. His son Mr Ashok Wali is an engineer at Delhi. The Wali family is even now wedded to Kashmiri traditions.

Sh Chander Mohan Razdan is one of the oldest Kashmiri Pandits of Shimla, having his residence in the area between Lakkar Bazar and Sanjoli. He came to Shimla sometime around the year 1935, when Shimla was the summer capital of British India. Sh AN Zalpuri, a native of Chinkral Mohalla, Srinagar migrated to Shimla in the year 1950. He has served in the Himachal Pradesh Accountant General's office. One of his sons has now moved out of Shimla to Vadodara, where he is presently managing his own business, while as his second son is working as an engineer in HCL, Delhi. Sh Pyare Lal Koul, a native of Srinagar his served in the Horticulture department of Himachal Pradesh. He has done B.Sc. in Horticulture Sciences. Now retired, he is permanently settled at Shimla.

Late Prof Ravinder Kumar, an old Kashmiri Pandit of Allahabad (UP) has served as Head of the Post Graduate department of History in the Himachal Pradesh University, Shimla from 1976 to 1982. Later on he served as Director of the Nehru Museum. Prof. Ravnider Kumar was a renowned historian and an authority on the Modern history. Late Sh. Hriday Nath Mattoo, an original inhabitant of Habbakadal, Srinagar migrated to Shimla in the year 1950.

He served in the state medical department and worked as a theatre assistant in the Rippon hospital, Shimla. A very social person of gracious nature, Late Sh HN Mattoo was actively involved in the activities of the Kashmiri Pandit Association, Shimla.

Dr. Prabhu Krishan Raina, a native of the village Wanpoh inthe district of Anantnag, first served as a lecturer and later on as a Reader in the Post-Graduate department of Physics in the Himachal Pradesh University, Shimla. A brilliant student and a topper throughout his career, he was a Gold Medallist in M.Sc. Physics. Dr Raina left the Himachal Pradesh University Shimla in the year 2000 to join as a Reader in the prestigious Indian Institute of Technology, Khargpur. He is married in a Himachali family. His father has also served in the state education department and retired as Headmaster. He is now settled at Upper Shimla.

Sh. Sanjay Raina, one of the cousins of Dr Prabhu Krishan Raina is running his own computer related business at Shimla and is permanently settled at Vikas Nagar, Shimla. Dr. Krishna Raina, an original resident of Bana Mohalla, Srinagar joined as a faculty member in the department of Hindi in the Himachal Pradesh University, Shimla and later on became the Head of the department in the same University. Sh Arvind Koul after serving as the Chief Secretary in the government of Himachal Pradesh became the chairman of the Himachal Pradesh Public Service Commission in the year 2004. Mr Vipin Koul, a civil engineer by profession is working in the Himachal Pradesh Housing Board, Shimla as an Assistant Engineer. He is permanently settled at Sanjouli, Shimla. His spouse is employed in MES, Shimla. His father, Sh ML Koul after serving the state education department retired as the Principal, Govt. Higher Secondary School, Lalpanu, Shimla. Sh Vipin Koul is deeply attached to the traditional values and is intimately involved with the various socio-cultural activities of the Kashmiri Pandit Association, Shimla.

My urge and impulsive desire to acquire the Kashmiri Pandit diaspora related information made me to venture out towards Annadale area of Shimla. A divergent downslide walk on the famous Mall Road near the Kennedy House heritage building leads to the sleepy spot of Annadale. It has nicest and captivating surroundings lined by huge and majestic Pine and Deodar trees. Annadale has a cluster of houses, a few houses among them being the residences of Kashmiri Pandits. Sh. Omkar Nath Koul, an original resident of Bagh Jogilankar, Rainawari, Srinagar resides at 'Long-field', Annadale. His father late Sh. Gobind Koul, who served in the Postal Department came to Shimla in the year 1956 consquent upon his transfer from Srinagar. He eventually retired as Asstt. Post Master, Postal Department Shimla in the year 1959. After his retirement, Sh Gobind Koul returned back to his native place Srinagar.

The lure of better employment opportunities available here made his son Sh. Omkar Nath Koul to return back to Shimla from Srinagar. He joined the Himachal Pradesh State Government in the year 1958 and eventually retired as Deputy Director in the Department of Planning in the year 1996. He has now constructed his own house at the Housing Colony, Sanjoli-Dalli Bypass, a lovely suburb of Shimla. His eldest son Sh. Sudhir Koul is serving in the Himachal Pradesh Electronics Development Corporation but is presently on deputation to the State Transport Department, Shimla. He is married to Mrs. Kiran Pandita of Khayar, Anantnag Kashmir. His younger brother Sh. Sanjeev Koul is an employee of Prasar Bharati and is married to Mrs. Ragini Koul, who is serving in NABARD, Jammu. The Koul family continues to adhere to their traditional customs and rituals and have not forsaken their mother-tongue Kashmiri, notwithstanding their long absence from Kashmir. The birth place still continues to be the haunt of childhood memories of Sh. Omkar Nath Koul, who in a delightful Chitchat with the author recounted and shared his reminiscences and nostalgic emotions.

Sh. DN Bhan, hailing from Gurgari mohalla, Zainakadal Srinagar is residing in the 'Silvert on' building at Annadale. He migrated to Shimla in the year 1949 and has retired as a sectional officer from the Accountant General's Office, Shimla. His son Sh. Manmohan Bhan, married in a Himachali family is serving as senior manager in the State Bank of India and is presently posted at Mumbai. One of the daughter's of Sh. DN Bhan named Mrs. Dolly Chauhan married in a Himachali family is employed in Oberoi Clarke's hotel situated in the Mall road near the lift, whileas his second daughter Mrs. Dahlia is married to Sh. Sohan Lal Bhat, who is a manager in the famous Cecil hotel situated at Choura Maidan Shimla. Late Sh. Srikant Koul, who after his retirement from the Excise and Taxation department of the J&K Government migrated to Shimla in the year 1953 and settled at lower Katheo, Shimla. He was a resident of Chattabal, Srinagar. His son late Sh. Ramji Koul, retired as a Block Development Officer in the Rural Development Department of the Himachal Pradesh Government. Sh. Ramji Koul was closely associated with the activities of the Kashmiri Pandit Sabha, Shimla and even today he is remembered for his services to the community cause.

He also functioned as President of the Kashmiri Sabha in the year 1960. His eldest son Sh. Kuldeep Koul is a senior executive in Hero Cycles, Chandigarh. He is married in a Panjabi family and his spouse Prof. Madhu, daughter of Retd. Vice Chancellor of Punjab University is herself a Professor in Punjab University Chandigarh. Late Sh. Ramji Koul's youngest son Sh. Jawahar Koul is a manager in the UCO Bank Shimla. He is married to Mrs. Alka, belonging to old Kashmiri family of UP. Mrs. Alka Koul, having M.Sc. degree to her credit is serving in DAV School Shimla. The daughter Mrs. Nirmala is married to elder brother of Sh. Upender Khashoo, a broadcaster, and an old resident of Wazapora Alikadal/Sanatnagar, Srinagar and is now settled at London, where her spouse is a hotelier . Both Sh. Kuldeep Koul and his brother Sh. Jawahar Koul have been active in the student politics during their student days in Himachal Pradesh University and Sh. Kuldeep Koul even functioned as President of the Himachal Pradesh University Student's Union.

Sh. Jawahar Koul, a talented person with artistic tastes is intimately involved with the functioning of the Kashmiri Pandit Sabha, Shimla. During one of his conversations with the author, Sh. Jawahar Koul reaffirmed his unshakable adherence and reverence for the time tested community traditions and values. He is now permanently settled at New Shimla.

Sh. Omkar Nath Dhar, an original resident of Chotta-Bazar Kanya Kadal, Srinagar shifted to Shimla in the year 1951-52 and immediately after that he got employed in the Himachal Pradesh Forest department. During his service career, Sh. Dhar has put-in maximum service at Shimla excepting for a brief stay at Solan and Kotgarh. The hard work and expertise put in by him contributed to his elevation to the prestigious post of Superintendent Grade I in the forest department. A social and supportive person invested with a caring attitude, Sh ON Dhar was actively involved with the Kashmiri Pandit Sabha Shimla. All those attributes are evident in his son Sh. Sunil Dhar, who along with Sh. Jawahar Koul are the main moving spirits behind the special occasioned community get togethers and functions at Shimal. Sh. Sunil Dhar, settled at Lower Katheo being a social and political activist also dabbles in cable network related business at Summer-Hill and Katheo.

Married in a Kashmiri family of Jammu, the Dhar family is wedded deeply to the Kashmiri traditions. Though having been born and brought-up in Shimla, it has not deterred Sh. Sunil Dhar and his family to abandon mother tongue in the adopted land. His elder brother Sh. Jaikrishan Dhar working as a senior officer in the State Bank of India is now settled at Ponta Sahib, Himachal Pradesh. Late Dr. Pushkar Nath Thusoo, Ph.D in Botany from Lucknow University initially served as Director of Agriculture Department, Himachal Pradesh Government and lateron took-over as the first founder director of the prestigious Central Potato Research Institute, Khilini, Shimla. It is a prime institute of national fame involved with the potato seed related research cum breeding work. Dr. PN Thsuoo has contributed his expertise in the production of improved and better yielding potato varieties and his valuable contribution in this field has widely been recognised. Dr Thusoo hailing from Daddikadal Tankipora area of Srinagar set his foot in Shimla in the year 1960. He was also a holder of the prestigious Humboldt fellowship of Germany. His son Dr. Iqbal Thusoo is a specialist in the field of Cardiology and hypertension and is presently serving at Mayo Clinic, Rochester, United States of America. Dr. Iqbal Thusoo is regarded as a specialist of global fame in the field of hyptertension.

The daughter of Dr. PN Thusoo having a Doctorate in Home Sciences has served as a Dietician in the Safdurjung Hospital, New Delhi. Late Sh. TN Ganjoo, an original inhabitant of Chinkral Mohalla Srinagar came to Shimla in search of livelihood in the year in 1949. Besides being a post-graduate in history, he had also done B.Sc. B.T. from Punjab University in the year 1948. After landing in Shimla, Sh. Ganjoo did not join the government service but started his service career as a science teacher in the D.A.V. School, Shimla. He then shifted to the S.D. School, Shimla wherefrom he eventually retired as a Principal. He also served as a principal of Convent School, Hanault, Chotta Shimla, which is adjacent to the government secretariat. Widely remembered and addressed as 'Masterji', Late Sh. TN Ganjoo  enjoyed wide spread respect both along the native Himachalis and the Kashmiri community. His distinguished and meritorious services in the field of education won him the expected recognition and he in lieu of it was awarded the Best Teacher's award by the Himachal Pradesh Government.

Though initially he lived at the lower bazaar Shimla, he latter-on shifted to his own house at Sanjoli. His eldest son Sh. B.L. Ganjoo, who was a Superintending Engineer in the State Electricity Board died in an air creash in 1993 in Kallu. He has two sons, namely Sh. Sameer Ganjoo, an Engineer who is presently posted at Kallu and second one Sh. Vineet Ganjoo, who is also an engineer at Vadodara. Late Sh. T.N. Ganjoo's second son Sh. Jaikishan Ganjoo is presently settled at Vadodara. Both his two daughters, Shivani and Shipra are married in Kashmiri families and are presently at Vadodara. Sh. Surinder Ganjoo, the third son of Late Sh. T.N  Ganjoo is a senior officer in the Bank of India and is presently posted at Mumbai. Sh. T.N. Ganjoo's daughter Mrs. Lalita is married to Sh. Satish Koul, an engineer by profession having his own business is presently settled at Chatha, Jammu.

Sh. Satish Koul's father Sh. Jagar Nath Koul, who retired from the Himachal Pradesh Secretariat is residing at lower Jakhu area near the famous Ridge Shimla. Late Sh. S.N. Ganjoo, the brother of Sh. TN Ganjoo was a librarian in the Himachal Pradesh Government. One of his daughters Mrs. Aneeta is married to the son of Prof. O.N Duloo of Solan and her husband is an officer in the Punjab National Bank at Solan, while as the second one Mrs. Nalni Bali is married in a Himachali family.

Late Sh. S.N. Ganjoo's son Dr. Neeraj Ganjoo is married to Dr. Sunitee Ganjoo (Ambardar) of Rainawari Srinagar and the couple are serving in the Rippon Hospital, Shimla, now rechristened as Deen Dayal Upadhaya Hospital.

As usual after every Chitchat, in tune with the pedestrian walk culture in vogue here; I would foot the whole length of the Mall Road to return to my residential quarter in the Radio Colony Summer Hill. The serenity of the enroute surroundings away from the din of the town would bestow a sort of pastoral solace and peace reminding me of the memorable words of J.H. Payne,

"Home, the spot of earth supremely blest,

A dearer, sweeter spot than all the rest".

Kashmiri Pandit Diaspora in Himachal Pradesh - Distt Solan


By Upender Ambardar

Nestled in the lap of the enchanting Shimla Hills and a part of the Mahasu district of Himachal Pradesh, Solan with an invigorating climate is a picturesque district having lush greenery, pollution free atmosphere and unassuming inhabitants possessing an easy face of life. Nomad after the Goddess Shoolini Devi, with it’s temple situated at the southern end of the town, the district Solan spread over an area of 1936 sq kms comprises the city of Solan, Nalagarh, Arki, Nouni, Kandaghat, Chambaghat, Darla, Badi, Parwanoo, besides the famous scenic tourist spots of Kasuli and chail. Apart from being remembered as the mushroom city of India, Solan is also known for its’ brewery ‘Dyer-Meakin Brewery’, now rechristened as Mohan Meakin Breweries in 1966. Set-up in the year 1835 with Anglo-German cooperation and subsequently taken-over in 1950 by Major Mohan, it is known for the excellent quality beer and whisky.

Situated midway between Shimla and Kalka, about 48 kms. from Shimla at a height of 1,350 metres (4,432 feet), Solan with its pleasant refreshing climate and spectacular sights is a refreshing place located in idyllic surroundings having excellent road and toy-train connectivities from Chandigarh and Kalka respectively. Supplemented with green carpeted grassland back-drops and lined with endless rows of mighty and charming forest trees, the area surrounding Solan is very rich in peas, tomatoes, ginger and beans, with maize and paddy being two major cereals . The juicy apricots and walnuts also grow over the hills.

Solan also has the distinction of having Dr Yashwant Singh Parmar University of Horticulture and forestry, the first of it’s kind in Asia, which is spread over 550 hectares of land in the village Nauni on the Solan-Rajgarh road about 15 kms from the Solan town. Established on December 1, 1985, its colleges of Horticulture and forestry offer specialised courses in the related fields and allied disciplines at the graduate, postgraduate and doctoral levels. The tranquil, grandeur of Nouni impresses everyone who sojourns here.

Solan has also refreshing and ideal picnic spots of Barog, Kandaghat, Chambaghat, with adjoining soothing and quieter pockets of Kotla Nullah and Saproon.

About three dozen Kashmiri Pandit families are permanently settled in the district Solan, mainly concentrated in the city of Solan, with a few families residing in the adjacent areas of Saproon, Kotla Nullah, Solan Bypass and a lone family of the community settled at nearby Chambaghat.

A short distance from Solan town on the Solan-Rajgarh road, Kotla Nullah is a refreshing cool spot, which is the residence of a few KP families. Notable among them is Dr. Ravinder Raina, who is a scientist in Medicinal and Aromatic Plants in the Department of Forest Products, Dr YS Parmar University of Horticulture and Forestry, Nauni. Originally belonging to Naisadak, Habbakadal Srinagar, Dr Ravinder Raina has done his M.Sc. Botany in 1980 and subsequent Phd. in Cytogenetics in the year 1985 from the Kashmir University. Initially after having served as a lecturer for four and a half years at Islamia College, Sopore, he in January 1990, took the job of a scientist in the Department of Forest Products, Dr YS Parmar University of Horticulture and Forestry, Nouni. He specialises in research related scientific work regarding the conservation of the Medicinal plants of Himachal Pradesh and in the process has developed a few good varieties of them. Dr Raina has also domesticated a few highly endangered medicinal plants like that of Chirata, Swertia Chiarayita and Gentiana Kuwroo which are prized herbs in both the modern and traditional medicinal systems. His main research thrust is on the Medicinal plants of the entire western Himalayas. A widely travelled person in Himachal Pradesh mainly in connection with his research oriented work, Dr. Ravinder Raina has received the deserving acknowledgment in the scientific world as a breeder in the medicinal plants of Himachal Pradesh.

He is married to Mrs. Jyoti, daughter of Professor TN Kaul, Retd. Principal of Govt. Degree College Bemina, Srinagar (Kashmir), who is working as a T.G.T. at the Govt. School, Kandaghat Solan. Dr Ravinder Raina during a chitchat articulated his feelings in an emotional tone, “Paradise is synonymous with Kashmir and every thought of ours is everlinked with the image of our home at Kashmir. Its very mention brings a surge of joy and excitement in the heart”. He also confided that even at Solan, the Kashmiri preparations and dishes are the most favoured ones. He also revealed that he has familiarised the Kashmiri Kehwa ‘Moughil Chai’ among his acquaintances and friends, who now relish the richness of its taste and flavour.

Sh P.N. Tikoo, originally hailing from Rainawari Srinagar, who came to Himachal Pradesh around 1950 is now permanently settled at Kotla Nala. Having done M.Sc. Botany and subsequent specialisation in forestry from United Kingdom, Sh. P.N Tikoo has contributed his expertise in the conservation and preservation of the forests in the state. Sh. P.N. Tikoo has retired as Asstt. Conservator of Forests in Himachal Pradesh. His rise to this prestigious post is an affirmation of his contribution in the related field. Late Sh. Vasudev Raina, of Kotla Nullah has also occupied the prestigious post of the Conservator of forests in the state. His rise to this spectacular post speaks of his valuable contribution in the state’s forestry.

The other members of our community now having their permanent residence at Kotla Nullah include the families of Mrs. Nehru, who has served in the state education department and that of Sh. Puran Pandita, working as a Developmental Officer in the United India Insurance Corporation, Rajgarh Road Solan. Mr. Ravinder Raina, working as Development Officer in Oriental Insurance and Sh. Nirmal Bhan working as a Technical Assistant in Dr. Y.S. Parmar University, Nouni are post 1990 settlers at Kotla Nullah, Solan.

Prof. B.K. Saproo, who has contributed his services in the education department and in lieu of his satisfying accomplishments rose to occupy the reputed post of a Principal in the Govt. College is also settled at Kotla Nullah. His son Sh. Danish Saproo is an Engineer the state.

Dr. Upender Koul residing at the Sunny side Solan and doing private practice at his Swati Clinic located at Red Cross Road, Solan is a man to be  reckoned with in the community and in  the social life of the town. Leading a life full of activity and action, Dr. Koul is intensely involved in the Socio-Cultural activities of the community at Solan. He is son of Sh. N.L. Kaul, original inhabitant of the village Hawal in Pulwama district, who came to Himachal Pradesh in search of livelihood around 1948. Sh. N.L. Koul has served in the Public Works Department of the state for decades and by dint of his hard and sincere work rose to occupy and retire as a Divisional Accountant from the state.

Sh N.L. Koul during his service career had the satisfaction of serving in all the districts including the interior and remote areas of Chamba, Manali, Kinaur and Kullu besides Shimla and Solan. His son Dr. Upender Koul, a social and political activist is occupying a post of prestige in the Rotary Club Solan, besides being the District Vice-President of the Congress Party. He is married to the daughter of Prof. O.N. Dulloo of Saproon, who is working as a teacher in a private school of Solan. One of his brother’s is an engineer at the Natha Jhakri Power Corporation, while the other one is serving at Chandigarh. Though having been born, brought-up and educated in Himachal Pradesh, it was a pleasant surprise to find him speaking Kashmiri with an amazing fluency and ease. He in a conversation bespoke of the unshakable adoration for the traditional Kashmiri dishes like ‘dum-alu’, ‘nadir-yakhin’,  ‘sochal-wangon’ etc., which still continue to be relished in their home. Likewise, his family enjoys to celebrate all the Kashmiri festivals and rituals with the traditional fervour.

Sh. B.L. Koul, retired Chief Engineer of Himachal Pradesh came here in June, 1961. Originally belonging to Rainawari, he is now permanently settled at Subathu road, Solan.

A B.E. civil from Kolkatta University, his phenomenal rise to this prestigious post is recognition of his sincere and dedicated years of service. Speaking with a beaming face and sense of satisfaction, Sh. Koul revealed that the construction of the roads and buildings got a flip in the state during his time. About 15000 to 16000 kms. of roads got added in the hilly areas of the state during his service, which speaks of his credible achievement. He is also instrumental in the construction of numerous bridges, various government buildings and hotels especially the famous, ‘Pine-Wood’ hotel of Barog. The said hotel is located in the charming woods of Barog, where one can enjoy an unforgettable exhilarating halt. He is also involved in the construction of Kangra airport during his posting as Xen at Kangra. It was in recognition of his services and contribution that he was elevated to the post of the Engineer-in-Chief of the State. In a conversation, he confessed that in addition to Kashmir, he now loves the adopted state of Himachal Pradesh with the same intensity.

His wife is serving in the state education department, and one of his sons Sh. Sanjeev Koul is an Executive Engineer in the Irrigation and Public Health Department at  Solan, while the second one, Dr. Rajeev Koul is serving in the U.S.A.. Prof. O.N. Dulloo, originally hailing from Narpirastan, Fatehkadal Srinagar, came out of Kashmir in the year 1948 after having done Matriculation from there. He straight away went to Gwalior (Madhya Pradesh) and initially served there in different commission before coming to Himachal Pradesh in 1965. He completed his education in Madhya Pradesh, doing M.A. English from Sagar University. He joined the Himachal Pradesh Education department and during 27 years of his service in the state, he has served at Rampur, Hamirpur, Solan Education Training College and Govt. Degree College Solan, where from Prof. O.N. Dulloo finally retired as a Vice-principal. He is now settled at Saproon, a periphery of Solan. His son is serving in the Punjab National Bank, Solan. During one of his conversations at Solan, Prof. Dulloo revealed that even after such long separation from Kashmir, the taste for the delectable Kashmiri cuisines has not lessened and even today all his family members continue to relish the ever favourite “Sheer-Chai” (salted tea) after a heavy meal. His son Sh. Vinod Dulloo is serving in the P.N.B. Solan.

Dr. S.N. Peshin, who retired as a Professor from Dr. Y.S. Parmar University, Nouni (Solan) in 1996 is now settled at Saproon, a close-by locality of Solan. After having done his M.Sc. and Phd in Vegetable Sciences, he came to Himachal Pradesh in 1965. His research work has centered on the exotic vegetable varieties. He has been instrumental in the introduction of traditional vegetable varieties of Kashmir like “Sochal”, “Khanyar Hak” and “Vastu-hak” etc. in many areas of Himachal Pradesh, which are now being relished by the locals there. He is also responsible for introducing ‘Kashmiri Hak’ in Banglore and certain areas of U.P. He said with an element of pride that many Kashmiri students, who did their M.Sc. and Phd under his supervision are now holding top positions in the Agriculture department of J&K State. The nostalgic memories of Kashmir associated with the mock snow-fights “Sheen Jung” and the making of snow-man “sheen-insan” are ineffaceably writ on his memory chart as revealed to me by Dr. S.N. Peshin.

One of his two daughters, Dr Archana Peshin working, as a scientist at Indian Agriculture Research Institute, New Delhi is married to a Kashmiri, while the second daughter being M.B.A. is working at in a M.N.C. at Gurgaon.     

Sh Tej Krishan Koul, a post 1990 arrival at Solan is an Administrative officer in Urdu Development and Promotion Centre, Solan, having come here in the year 2004. After having left Kashmir more than three decades back, he served at the Institutes of Language Centres of Mysore and Patiala for about 16 years each.

Speaking in an emotional tone, Sh Koul said that love for "Mouj Kasheer" has increased manifold after separation from "Home". As a reminder of the nostalgic days spent in Kashmir, he delights in keeping "Samavar" and"Kangri" at his home.

Prof. C.L. Khushu, who retired as Principal from Govt. Degree College, Solan and his wife, who retired from the state education department as an officer are permanently settled at Rajgarh-road Solan. Having two sons and a daughter, their family is even now Kashmiri speaking.

Sh. B.K. Dhar and his wife have both served in the State Education Department for more than three decades and now lead retired life at Shakti Nagar Solan.

Late Prof. K.K. Dhar, M.Sc. Botany, after having rendered services in the different Govt. Colleges, retired from Degree College Solan. His wife Smt. Phoola Dhar is a teacher in a private school at Solan. Having come to Himachal Pradesh around 1950, they are now settled at Bypass Solan. They have two daughters, one is M.Sc. Microbiology and is married in a Kashmiri family, while the second one a Phd in Biotechnology is married to a local, who is a scientist at Palampur University.

Prof. K.L. Dhar, M.A. English, who came here around 1947 is settled at By-Pass Solan. He has served as  Principal of Govt. Degree College Kullu and State Council of Education, Research and Training Solan. After his retirement, Prof. Dhar established a private B.Ed. College known as Himachal College of Education at Solan, which is affiliated to Himachal Pradesh University. Sh. A.K. Dhar, a resident of Shakti Nagar, Solan has rendered his valuable services to the State Agriculture Department. He has retired as District Horticulture Officer, Solan. Sh Anoop Sher son of Sh. Girdhari Lal Sher, originally resident of Karan Nagar Srinagar is presently putting-up at Sunny side Solan. A post-1990 settler at Solan, Sh. Anoop Sher is an Area Manager in a Pharmaceutical concern. Prior to his present posting at Solan, he previously served at Shimla also. Late Sh. Nand Lal Kachroo, originally belonging to Baramulla, Kashmir, is a revered name in Solan and is remembered for his constructive and valuable contribution in the field of education. He was the first to start and head the first Govt. College of Education. One of his sons Dr. Avtar Kachroo has retired as a veterinary doctor from the State Govt. while the second one Sh. Vijay Kachroo is an engineer in the Electricity department at Solan. His another son, a senior officer in the Indian Bank is presently posted at Delhi. The Kachroo family came to Himachal Pradesh around 1950 after the tribal invasion of Kashmir. Their whole family having emotional allegiance to our cultural heritage and traditions are deeply involved in the various socio-cultural activities of the community organised at Solan. Mrs. Nehru, who has served the state education department is also a resident of Solan. Sh. R.K. Zaroo, a Central Government employee and his wife, a teacher in the Army School, also have their residence at Solan.

Further, Sh. Ravinder Raina, a Development Officer in Insurance Corporation, Sh. Puran Pandita, Sh. Susheel Raina and Sh. M.K. Bhat, all employees of Insurance Corporations are also putting-up at Solan. All of them came here after 1990. A lone Kashmir Pandit family of Dr. Bihari Lal Dhar is residing at Chambaghat, which is a refreshing spot a few kms. away from Solan town located in panoramic surroundings. It is known for the reputed Central Mushroom Research Institute. Dr. Bihari Lal Dhar is Principal Scientist and Head of the Mushroom Production Division at the Institute. Originally a  resident of Khankai Sokhta Safakadal Srinagar, Dr Dhar has done his B.Sc. Agriculture from Sopore, M.Sc. (Mycology) and specia-lisation in Mushrooms from College of Agriculture, Himachal Pradesh University. After having done his Phd  from the prestigious I.A.R.I., Pusa Road, New Delhi, he joined the prestigious Indian Agriculture Research Service in 1977. He has served at Jullandhar from 1977 to 1983 and eventually was transferred to Chambaghat Mushroom Centre in 1983. He is married to Smt. Chanda Dhar, MA. English. His son, Squardon leader Nishant Dhar, a fighter pilot in Indian Airforce is married to Ms Ojasvi Labroo of Bhagwati Nagar, Jammu. The isolation of the place and prolonged separation from the native place has not diminished their love for their cultural and traditional moorings.

Wakhnaghat, almost midway between Solan and Shimla is a spot of unspoilt natural charm away from the usual din of the city commanding a spectacular sight of the surrounding hilly terrain. The place is also known for the reputed Jai Prakash University of Information and Technology. Dr. Sunil Khah, having a doctorate in Physics is a Professor in the J.P. University of Wakhnaghat. Belonging to Mattan, Anantnag, he along with his family is putting up in the University Campus.

Among the locals, those having the surname Raina even today acknowledge and proclaim their Kashmiri origin and lineage. Except for the retention of "Raina" surname still preserved, nothing of the traditional Kashmiri attributes are evident among them. They seem to be the 'lost' members of our community who are now fully absorbed in the local milieu. The distinguished among them are Dr. J.N. Raina, resident of district Kangra having a P.H.D. in Soil Sciences, who is a Professor in Soil Sciences at Dr. Y.S. Parmar University of Horticulture and Forestry Nouni. Likewise Dr. K.K. Raina, a Phd in Social Sciences belonging to Palampur is also a faculty member at the above University. Dr. Rajeev Raina, a resident of Kangra district having a Doctorate in Pomology (Fruit Production and Cultivation) is presently working as a scientist at Bota Research Centre, Hamirpur. A cruel irony of the past persecution and political upheavals in the native Kashmir seem to have uprooted them from their birth place hundreds of years back.

Parwanoo having refreshing and panoramic surroundings is the first entry point from Chandigarh into Himachal Pradesh. It is also the industrial hub of the state. Parwanoo is the adopted home of a few members of Kashmiri Community. Sh. Rohan Lal Dhar, Sh. O.N. Fotedar and Sh. M.K. Bhat, all serving in the State Bank of India, Parwanoo are residing here. All of them are post 1990 settlers.

Suffice to say, a combination of commitment, competence, sincere efforts and determination coupled with the will to battle against the heavy odds have brought them success in their chosen fields. Their valuable contribution has made them to carve-out a niche for themselves in the distant land away from their native 'Home'. Their success is a majestic affirmation of their credible achievements against the impossibilities. The nostalgic reminiscences of the happy days spent in Kashmir still haunt them, which they recall every now and then.

The craving to return 'Home' is overpowering in them for they reaffirmed umpteen times during their conversations that there is no substitute for the lost 'Home' and the 'Paradise'. After every conversation I would part with a heavy heart to seek refuge in my residential quarter at the Summer Hill, Shimla, being reminded of Emerson's remark "Few have wealth but all must have a "HOME".

Kashmiri Pandit Diaspora in Himachal Pradesh - Bilaspur


By Upender Ambardar

Bilaspur district of Himachal Pradesh abounding in low hills, forests, grazing lands and rivulets comprises of the areas of Gumarwin, Nambol, Naina Devi, Swara-ghat, Jukhera and Barwana besides the new Bilaspur town. This erstwhile princely state, also known by its ancient name of ‘Kehloor’, founded by a Chandel Rajput Prince Veerchander in 697 A.D. supports a rich past. Organised as a separate state on 12th, October 1948, it was finally integrated in Himachal Pradesh in 1954. Named after the Rishi Vyas, who has penned the epic Mahabarta, the new Bilaspur town situated on the banks of Gobindsagar dam lies on the Shimla-Hamirpur-Mandi route at a distance of 85 kms. from Shimla. The beautiful old Bilaspur town lies engulfed down below in the waters of 225 metre high Gobindsagar water reservoir, the world's highest dam.

Bilaspur is famous for the hallowed spots of Vyas-Cave, Markand, about 25 kms from Bilaspur where Maharishi Markande performed penance, ancient temples of Naina Devi, Lakshmi Narayana and Radhayashyam, besides Asia’s biggest mirror-carp hatchery. It is also home to the worlds’ second highest bridge of Kandror, an engineering marvel, Barmana cement plant and medicinal plant Katha (Acacia Katechu), which is used in pan (Beetle) Bilaspur, still retains a link with the past in the form of Nalwari cattle market fair, observed every year in the third week of March.

The new town of Bilaspur is the adopted home of only four families of our community. Their determination, urge and unshaken resolve to triumph under the alien situations in the distant land has brought them achievement and recognition.

Sh. Amar Nath Mattoo, belonging to Sona Masjid, (Fatehkadal), Srinagar was the first from our community to come to Bilaspur in the year 1947, during the time of Raja Anand Chand, who was the then ruler of the Princely state of Bilaspur from the year 1931 to 1947.

Being M.A. (Hindi, Pol. Science), B.Ed, Sh. Amar Nath Mattoo, joined as a teacher at the State Higher Secondary School, located at Bilaspur proper. He served at the said school up to 1957 and was then transferred to Talai, which is known for Baba Balak Nath Temple. After serving for a few years at Berthein and Auhar, he was transferred back to Bilaspur (old town). In 1955, he was sent to Hr. Sec. School Solan, where he served for three years. Subsequently, after having rendered his services at Nahan, Chamba and Rajpora, he was transferred back to Bilaspur in 1965. His eldest son Sh. Mahraj Krishan Mattoo, being M.Sc. in Chemistry from Ratlam, Ujjain, also joined the state education department as a lecturer in the year 1968. He served at Nahan, Chamba, Bilaspur and later-on retired as Principal from the Government College, Gumarwin. His wife Mrs. Santosh Khosa (Mattoo), M.A. (English), hailing from Chinkral Mohalla, Habbakadal Srinagar, has also served as a lecturer in the state education department at Rajpora and Bilaspur.

One of their sons is married to a Bilaspuri girl, while the younger one, an engineer at Banglore has a Kashmiri speaking girl (daughter of Sh. Pran Nath Tikoo of Talab Tillo, Jammu) as his spouse.

The younger son of Sh. Amar Nath Mattoo namely Dr. V.K. Mattoo is a Professor in the Department of Biosciences in the prestigious Himachal Pradesh University located amidst the idyllic natural surroundings of Summer Hill, Shimla. After having qualified M.Sc. Zoology in the year 1977, he earned P.hd in 1982 from the Himachal Pradesh University itself on the topic of "Honey Bees" Genetic Diversities in the Himalayan Region.” Dr. V.K. Mattoo is married to Dr. Neelam, who is also serving in the Department of Biosciences at Himachal Pradesh University. Dr Neelam Mattoo has obtained her P.H.D. on the topic of 'Honey Plant Resources of Himachal Pradesh' in the year 1989. Though being a Himachali, Dr. Neelam is quite familiar with our cultural and social traits, besides being adapt in Kashmiri cuisines.

During a conversation, she shared her elation for being a part of the said family. One of the daughters of the said Mattoo family Mrs. Indu (B.Sc. B.Ed.), a Headmistress at the government school is married in a Bilaspuri family of Sankhain. Their second daughter Mrs. Shashi , B.A. B.Ed, married in a Sharma family is settled at the picturesque spot of Chail, her husband being a businessman. One more daughter Mrs. Kumud Sharma (M.A. Hindi, B.Ed) is a teacher at Government School at Arki in Solan district, her husband being an Ayurvedic doctor at Arki itself. Except for Mrs. Mattoo and her eldest son's family, who are Kashmiri speaking, the rest of the family members can only understand it.

One more Kashmiri family of Bilaspur is that of Sh. Jagar Nath Ganjoo. Hailing from Sopore, he first came to Bilaspur in the year 1950. Starting from humble beginnings of a steno, he by dint of sheer hard work and dedicated efforts, rose to become a tehsildar in Himachal Pradesh government. His wife Smt. Jaikishori also hails from Sopore.

One of their sons, Sh. Surinder Ganjoo, a Manager in UCO Bank and presently posted at Chandigarh is married in a Bilaspuri family, while another son Sh.Suresh Ganjoo is an engineer in the state P.W.D. Their daughter Mrs. Surekha is married to Mr. V.K. Upadhyay also of Bilaspur, who is a Superintending Engineer in Prasar Bharati. Rs. Sucheta, another daughter married in a Sharma family is presently settled at Shimla. Excepting for Mr. and Mrs. Ganjoo, who are still Kashmiri speaking the rest of the family members can only understand their mother-tongue. Mr. Manmohan Kath, the original resident of Anantnag first came to Bilaspur in the year 1955 and is now permanently settled here. He has served as a District Industries Officer of Bilaspur. His lone son, having a business of his own in Bilaspur is married to a Kashmiri speaking girl Mrs. Jyoti of Umanagri, Anantnag.

Mr Manmohan Kath, himself is non-Kashmiri speaking but can only understand it as he had come-out of Kashmir at the tender age of fourteen. One more family of our community at Bilaspur is that of Mr. P.N. Bhat, a Development officer in L.I.C., who is a post 1990 settler there. His lone son is also running a business of his own at Bilaspur itself.

Inspite of their cultural isolation, all the four Kashmiri families of Bilaspur still carry the nostalgic memories of Kashmir. In tune with their traditional roots, the celebration of 'Heyrth' (Shivratri), 'Navreh' and 'Pun' continue to occupy a place of pride in their socio-religious lives. Further, the wearing of the traditional 'Dejhhor', still being adored by them testifies to their unshaken veneration for their moorings.

All of them have earned success and distinction in life by sheer hard labour and efforts and in the process have carved out a niche in their respective fields in the distant land. My interaction with my community members was a rewarding experience, making me to feel proud of their achievements and success in their respective lives.

'Sancha'-Ancient Treatise of Himachal Pradesh


- A Glorious Gift from Kashmir

By Upender Ambardar

In the times bygone Kashmir excelled in many spheres of art, literature and culture, in which it achieved great heights.

The cross Cultural-religious strands that stretched between Kashmir and Himachal Pradesh successfully withstood the centuries old time-wrap and refused to fade-away into oblivion. Apart from the natural brilliance of the landscapes, both states share the deep rooted faith of the people in the time tested traditions, belief systems and ancient wisdom, which are enshrined in the holy scriptures. They form an integral part of our common heritage.

The ancient Sancha scripture of Himachal Pradesh is an illustrious example of the same. It is a combination of Jyotish and tantric knowledge. Even today, in the present scientific age, this ancient priceless knowledge is quite popular in Shimla, Sirmour and Solan areas of Himachal Pradesh. The 'Sancha Granth' is believed to have travelled to Himachal Pradesh from Kashmir hundreds of years back. The present day custodians of this ancient legacy, who are natives of Himachal Pradesh are believed to be the descendants of Kashmiri Brahmans. The 'Sancha' treatise is a unique combination of 'Mantra (sacred incantations), 'Yantra' (hallowed implements) and 'Tantra' (mystical hymns or invocations). The scripts of Sancha treatise are known by the names of 'Bhatakshri' or 'Pabuchi', which are Himachali variations of 'Shardha', the ancient language of Kashmir. In earlier times, the said script was also known as 'Takri'.

 

In Himachal Pradesh, in addition to 'Bhatakshri' and 'Pabuchi', the ancient 'Takri' dialect has survived in many resembling forms like 'Chambyali', 'KalluviMandyali' and 'Sirmouri' etc., which are the present day spoken dialects of Chamba, Kallu Mandi and Sirmour areas of Himachal Pradesh. In earlier times, the scholarly and learned Himachali Brahmans were known as 'Pabuch' due to their demonstrative grip and hold over the ancient 'Sancha' knowledge.

The 'Sancha' growth deals with a wide range of topics ranging from necromancy, black magic fall-out from the witchcraft, occult effects and negative influences of evil spirits besides demonology. The 'Sancha' text offers solutions and remedies to the persons who are troubled by the negative influences of the above. In addition to it, all those persons, who are saddled by anxieties and worries arising out of afflictions by various ailments can find health assuring remedies by consulting 'Sancha' system.

The 'Sancha' treatise also guarantees a triumph over one's 'hidden' enemies by recitation of certain 'mantras' i.e. secret incantations.

Its help is also sought in adopting a religious recourse to the matters connected with almost all the Hindu Sanskars right from birth to death. In addition to it, 'Sancha' knowledge also aids in the recovery of stolen items by giving clues and hints about the identity of the thief, the time of the occurrence of the theft and number of persons involved in the act. An accurate and exact knowledge of the auspicious timing or 'Hora' is also possible by consulting 'Sancha' text.

The word 'Sancha' owes it's origin to the Sanskrit word 'Sanch' or 'Sanchai', which means a repository or a compilation.

The Brahmans well-versed with the 'Sancha' knowledge are called 'Pabuch' or 'Baat'. In addition to 'Pabuchi' or 'Bhatakshri' dialects, the 'Sancha' texts are also found in 'Chandvani', 'Pandvani' and 'Butakhshri' dialects.

The script employed by the Brahmans of the 'Panda' sect is called 'Pandvani', while as the inscription used by the Brahmans of the 'Bhat' sect is known by the name of 'Bhatakshri'. According to a legend, an ancient ruler of the erstwhile Sirmour Kingdom came under the spell of a curse by a female dancer.

As a consequence, the capital of the ancient kingdom of Sirmour was completely submerged under water and the royalty became kingless.

Depressed by the loss of entire royal clan and to ensure a new heir to the Sirmour throne, two ministers of the Kingdom namely Roymoan and Roy Gopal are said to have travelled all the way from Sirmour to Srinagar, the capital of Kashmir in the eleventh century A.D.

The two Sirmour ministers are believed to have requested the then Kashmir King to send a Kashmiri Prince, who can take charge of the Sirmour Kingdom.

According to the legend, out of the two queens of the then Kashmiri King, one had an adopted son, whileas the second one named Sumitra was in a family way at that time. In pursuance of the then prevalent bestowal of alms custom, the King of Kashmir agreed to send his pregnant queen in the form of 'Shaya Daan' to the princely state of Sirmour. In furtherance of it and to facilitate the subsequent coronation of the Kashmiri Prince as a King of Sirmour, the queen Sumitra of Kashmir went to Sirmour. She was accompanied by a host of Rishis, saints, learned Brahmans, bards, artists and ministrels, in addition to numerous footmen and domestics. The accompanying Kashmiri Brahmans are said to have carried with them their prized possession the 'Sancha' knowledge system. In the historical documents of Himachal, this notable event is recorded in the following lines "Loia Aana Mangtoo, Purohit Sath Loia Aana Raoy Baat Loia Aana Vikram Samvat Saat thi todi 1152 Mahina Magh." It fully affirms and supports the historical fact that the carriers of the 'Sancha' treatise or knowledge to Himachal Pradesh were none other than the Kashmiri Pandits. Corresponding to the above Vikram Samvat, the exact year of the said event can be said to be 1095 AD.

The Kashmiri origin of the 'Sancha' treatise is further collaborated by the fact that even today before consulting the 'Sancha' text, Himachali Brahmans pay obeisance to Kashmir in the following lines, "Vidhya Suri Kashmiri Lagan dekh Shodan Vichar".

The Sancha Granth has a detailed information about astrology, planetary placements, interpretation of Zodiac and planetary movements. Based on the intricate knowledge of 'Sancha Granth', the 'Pabuchi' scholars prepare a local variation of almanac (Jantri) called 'Chri'. The three important components of 'Chri' are 'Var' i.e. day of the week or an occasion, 'Tithi' i.e. a lunar day or date and the planetary movements and their positions.

The 'Chiri' is based on the solar planetary system, which regards Baisakhi as the first day of the New Year. To get solutions, answers and remedies for the different paradoxes that rock the day to day life, the 'Sancha' text is always consulted for the required help. Resembling a gambling dice, the 'pasha' or 'pasa' is employed in deciphering the required information from the 'Sancha' text. The 'pasha' or 'pasa' has an inscription of four numerical digits marked as 0,00,000 and 0000, which have the corresponding numerical strength of 1,2,3 and 4 respectively.

These numerical digits are marked on the individual pages separately. Each numerical digit with an individual value of sixteen 'Horas' make a sum total of sixty four 'Horas', with one 'Hora' being equal to one twenty fourth part of a day.

The 'Pashas' or 'Pasa' are specially prepared only on auspicious days and involve elaborate religious rituals. The different 'Horas' that are in-vogue in the 'Sancha Granth' are known as 'Kaalgaymi Hora', 'Bhoot Prashan Hora', 'Lagan Ki Hora' and 'Tithi Ki Hora' etc. The square shaped 'pasha' or 'pasa' is usually made up of an elephant tooth, being 1½ to 2 inches in length and with a width of a finger.

According to a belief in Sirmour area, the 'Yantra' and 'Lagans' made from the soil brought from the village Chanan, give better results while consulting Sancha' text. The Brahmans engaged in the 'Sancha' profession take every care to maintain the knowledge secrecy and imparting of it's knowledge is confined only within the family.

The Kashmiri origin of the 'Sancha' text has also been acknowledged by Sh. Sudershan Vashisht, who is a well known author and researcher of Himachal Pradesh and has done note-worthy research work in this direction.

The ancient and precious Sancha texts are also found in tehsil Chopal, tehsil Shilayi and Chakrota area of Uttar Pradesh.

Pandit Om Prakash and Pandit Devi Ram, the native Brahmans of the village Khadanka in Sirmour are experts in Sancha knowledge and it's system.

Another Brahman named Pandit Shivanand, a resident of the village Janloag in Sirmour has also thorough knowledge of 'Sancha' texts. He makes accurate predictions based on it's knowledge. Pt. Mohan Lal, a native of the village Dehar in Sirmour is a well-known name due to his thorough and intimate Sancha knowledge.

Undoubted, 'Sancha' is an ancient and sacred 'knowledge of Kashmiri origin, which is a historical cultural heritage. It is a glorious part of our rich past and a proud contribution of Kashmiri Brahmans, who have left an indelible mark on the pages of history.

Dr. Brij Premi's Momentous Work


“Saadat Hassan Manto-Hayat Aur Karnamay”

By Upender Ambardar

Dr. Brij Premi, a noted Urdu scholar and a writer is a name familiar to a wide circle of Urdu readers. The wealth of written material he has left behind in the form of books, research articles, shot stories, essays, literary criticism, allegories besides translations and travelogues is a veritable treasure trove in the world of creative Urdu literature. His wider canvas and literary genius has resulted in remarkable and well-recognised literary works. Infact, his works have contributed immensely to the growth, development and enrichment of the Urdu literature.

"Sadat Hassan Mantoo-Hayat Aur Karnamay" (Life and Works) is one such highly acclaimed literary work of Dr. Brij Premi.

This master piece, which is based on incisive and in-depth research work, has won him the paeans of praise from all shades of the Urdu scholars all over the country. The said book of 375 pages thoughtfully structured in various sections and chapters reveals and shares various startling facts and facets of Mantoo's life and literary works. The author at the very beginning enlightens the reader about Mantoo's Kashmiri descent and his excessive  emotional affinity with Kashmir. This fact Mantoo himself proclaims time and again in his writings with a profound sense of pride : "I am a Kashmiri. Long back my ancestors migrated from Kashmir to Punjab, where they embraced Islam".

Mantoo's admiration and adoration for Kashmir is inherent and sentimental, which is collaborated by his revelation in an article: "I am also a Kashmiri...and I have endless love for fellow Kashmiris".

The reader also comes to know that Krishan Chander, the legendary Urdu writer and Mantoo's literary companion also endorses it by his assertions:"Mantoo like Nehru and Iqbal is a Kashmiri Pandit....By his disposition, temperament, features and spirits, Mantoo even today is a Kashmiri Pandit." Mantoo's Saraswat Brahman pedigree is also affirmed by his wife Safia Begum in one of her letters to the author. As investigated by the author Dr. Premi, the surname 'Mantoo' owes its origin to a Kashmiri word 'Manut', meaning one and a half seer (a Kashmiri weight measurement). Mantoo's ancestors would take this weight of the produce as levy from the public as a part of the tax collection. As detailed in the book, one of the ancestors of Mantoo namely Khawaja Rehmat Ullah, who dealt in Pashmina and Shawl business is believed to have migrated from Kashmir to Lahore (Punjab) in the beginning of nineteenth century and thereafter to Amritsar where he finally settled down.

It was at Samrala, a place in district Ludhiana where Mantoo was born on11th May 1912 and also had his initial education. His father Moulvi Ghulam Hassan had twelve issues by his two wives. During his student days,  Mantoo envisaged little interest in the studies but somehow managed to pass his matriculation examination from Amritsar. Influenced by progressive literary movement and the ideology of Marx and Lenin, Bari Aleeg, Mantoo's mentor and preceptor was instrumental in moulding his thinking and character. It resulted in the stock piling of a large number of books on Marx, Lenin, Stalin, Gorky, Pushkin, Chekov, October Russian Revolution, Oscar Wilde, Maupassant and Victor Hugo in Mantoo's room, named 'Darul-Hamar'. The author further mentions that Mantoo's youthful imagination was also fired by the revolutionary conviction of Bhagat Singh, whose photograph adorned Mantoo's room shelf joined by his communist friends, Mantoo's said room was the hub of animated discussions about the great October Russian Revolution and Marxist Ideology.

Though after matriculation, Mantoo enrolled himself for F.A. Studies at Aligarh Muslim University but impending economic constraints and failing health coerced him to discontinue his studies. After having been diagnosed to be suffering from T.B. disease, Mantoo decided to go to Batote (J&K State) sanatorium for convalescence, where he stayed for three months.

Batote's spell binding natural grandeur, picturesque surroundings and Mantoo's infatuation with a native shepherdess named, 'Bego' find their reflections in Mantoo's well-known short stories entitled "Ek khat", "Bego", "Misri Ki Dali", "Mausam Ki Shararat" and "Lalteen" etc.

Mantoo's association with a progressive daily newspaper of Amritsar"Masawat" heralded his journalistic career. Subsequently due to the financial stringencies resulting from the death of his father and also out of his flawed relationships with some of his close relatives, forced young Mantoo to move to Lahore, where he joined Lala Karam Chand's newspaper "Paras" on monthly wages of Rs forty.

It was during this time that besides compiling translated short stories of Gorky, Mantoo himself translated certain Russian short stories for a special number of 'Alamgheer' magazine.

Compelled by his economic constraints and indifferent health, the author Dr. Brij Premi lucidly traces Mantoo's journey from Lahore to Bombay at the young age of twenty years. In order to satiate his literary hunger, Mantoo with renewed will and vigour associated himself with different cine periodicals and film companies of Bombay. In January 1936, he started as a columnist-cum-editor in Nazeer Ludhianavis' cine weekly "Musavir", on monthly wages of Rs forty only and later-on shifted to "Karwan", another periodical at Bombay.

His subsequent association as a dialogue writer, with Bombay's 'Imperial Film Company' and later on with 'Film City' and 'Hindustan Cine Tune' is also covered by the author.

During this period, Mantoo wrote the screen play of his first feature film'Apni Nagariya', which was based on his own short story 'Keechad'. The film turned out to be a box office hit.

Mantoo's marriage in 1939 with Safya Begum who belonged to an old Kashmiri family of Lahore but settled in Africa, the birth of his first child Arif in 1940 and his mother's demise in 1940 itself are well documented by the author, Dr. Brij Premi.

Manto’s disillusionment with life because of his mother's death and his deteriorating health forced him to say good-bye to Bombay and seek employment as a script writer in the Drama section of All India Radio in 1941 on a salary of Rs 150 per month. Urdu legendaries like Krishna Chander, Upender Nath Ashq, Noom Meem Rashid, Ahmed Nadeem Qasmi, Rajander Singh Bedi and Behnaz Lucknawi were his associates there. During his one and a half year's stint at All India Radio Delhi, Manto wrote more than one hundred and fifty radio plays and features, the notable among them being"Jaeb Katra", Neeli Ragen", "Journalist", besides "Intezar Ka Doosra Rukh". All these details have been revealed with graphic description by the author.

The hurt caused by indifference of his colleagues due to professional jealousy and the death of his lone son Arif in July 1942 compelled Mantoo to quit the job at All India Radio and to shift to Bombay once again on 7th August 1942, where he subsequently joined 'Filmistan', the film company on a salary of Rs 300 per month. It was at the Filmistan that he scripted his first film under its banner by the name of 'Chal Chal Rae Naujawan'. It was followed by the release of his two more films 'Ghumand' and 'Mirza Ghalib'. As clearly indicated by the author, Mantoo was greatly influenced by the poetry of Ghalib, the fact which is collaborated by the frequent use of Ghalib's poetry by Mantoo in his various writings.

His uneasy equation with the management of Filmistan and the rosy picture of better professional prospectus at Lahore (Pakistan) persuaded Mantoo to migrate to Pakistan in January 1948, where his family had already migrated after the partition of the country. There, he again associated himself with the film industry and his first film in Pakistan was 'Beli', which was followed by his another film 'Doosri Kothi'.

As per the author Dr. Brij Premi, the enormous devastation, violence and bloodshed inflicted on the people of the subcontinent in the aftermath of the partition in 1947 forced Mantoo to pour-out his crying soul in his short stories. As reflected in them, he outrightly rejected the narrow minded religious and communal approach of the fundamentalist forces in both the countries. His daringly written post partition literary work in Pakistan is indicative of the view that Mantoo was deeply saddened by the events that followed the partition of the country.

The dreadful realities of the partition of the country are vividly reflected in Mantoo's writings, in which the hard hitting denunciation of the communal forces is quite evident. Mantoo's unorthodox look, coupled with  his pragmatic and rational approach is reflected in his short stories like 'Kali Shalvar', 'Boo', 'Dhuvan', 'Thanda Goshat', 'Khol Doh' and 'Oopur Neechay Darmiyan' etc. These creative writings infuriated and antagonized both the colonial English rulers before independence and the Pakistani authorities after partition.

Further, Mantoo's short stories also have a word of sympathy for the downtrodden oppressed and those leading a life of squalor and misery. Mantoo examines the issues related with the common man with sentimental compassion and fearless assertion. His humanistic approach, championing of the cause of the proletariat and his socialist and leftist leanings are quite evident in his writings. Even after his migration to Pakistan, Mantoo did not discard and surrender his secular and progressive credentials. He remained committed to them to the last. As revealed by the author, a combination of successive setbacks, indifference of his close associates at Bombay, uncertainties and insecurities of life and fickleness of the 'Dame Luck' to favour him forced Mantoo to migrate to Lahore (Pakistan).

Undeniably, the book "Sadat Hassan Mantoo—Hayat Aur Karmay", is an outstanding work of Dr. Brij Premi. It has rightly been acclaimed by the critics as a magnificent, comprehensive and in-depth research work on the life and works of Mantoo. The book is a valuable addition to the Urdu literature.

*(The author is a Keen student of Kashmir’s Culture and Tradition. His pioneering work on KASHMIRI PANDIT DIASPORA IN HIMACHAL PRADESH has been widely acclaimed. He has also translated many Kashmiri and Urdu writers into English.

Translation - The Progressive Movement in Kashmir


By Dr. Brij Premi

In India the progressive movement in literature witnessed a formal start in the year 1931. Within a short span of a few years, the movement struck its roots in almost all parts of the country. Notwithstanding the fact that Kashmir was neither a Urdu language zone, nor was Urdu, the mother tongue of Kashmiris; yet the local writers adopted and patronized it to ventilate their feelings. In the light of this fact, it is futile to dig for any specific trend in Urdu literature in Kashmir during this period. However, when the progressive movement spread its tentacles throughout the country by surmounting all the barriers of colour, creed and language; the Kashmiri writers did not remain immune to its affects.

At the same time, events of far-reaching consequences were emerging on the political front in Kashmir. Muslim Conference, which was the largest local political party was converted into the National Conference and its leadership went into the hands of a broad-minded person like Sheikh Mohammad Abdullah.

Non-Muslims were also enrolling themselves in it. Instead of communal preference, the political agenda formulated by it was nationalist one and it drew it's inspiration from the Indian Freedom Movement. At the same time, Kashmir also registered its protest against the oppressive and exploitive mechanisms of the then rulers. Under the leadership of National Conference, a sustained campaign against subjugation, poverty and social imbalances had begun, the echo of which was also observed in the then poetry. One could also perceive the traces of revolt in the poetry of Mehjoor, Azad and Dilsoz around this time.

Apart from other things, the progressive writers organisation in its very first Lucknow declaration asserted: "We desire new Indian literature to focus on hunger, poverty, social injustice and subjugation, which are the basic problems of life." It was not a mere coincidence but the need of the hour that a movement against the 'Jagirdhari' system had begun in Kashmir under the leadership of Sheikh Mohammad Abdullah. Besides other things, the issues of hunger, social imbalances, exploitation and subjugation were on the forefront. At this very time, the literary Urdu circles were witnessing the emergence of Prem Nath Sadhu Raunak as a budding writer. He later on succeeded in establishing his credentials in the literary circles of the subcontinent under the name of Prem Nath Pardesi. Pardesi was the first short story writer of Kashmir. In his initial stages of writing, he due to Tagore's influence would resort to romanticism. But the potrayal of social reality in Prem Chand's work, the injustice perpetuated by the exploitive forces, the advent of progressive movement and the emergence of the local political events convinced Pardesi for the first time that a better part of his life had gone  waste. This he himself acknowledges : "This transformation was such that it not only opened new Vistas  for me but also gave a new ideology to the nation. I felt that if I did not align myself with this ideology even now, my short stories are useless and the future historian will never forgive me. Being in government service, I could not join the National Conference, but in disguise I could make the public aware about subjugation, poverty and exploitation through my short stories."

(Short Story Allahabad No. 8)

Pardesi not only started writing against this exploitation but in association with his few friends established a literary organisation under the name of "Halqae Arbab Zauk". This organisation came into existence in early 1940s'. This organisation had no connection with 'Halqae Arbab Zauk' ofLahore but there was a hell of difference in ideologies between the two. The access of the young writers of Kashmir was limited to the house of Prem Nath Pardesi, where literary meets would take place. The active members of this organisation included P.N. Pushup, Prem Nath Dhar, Qaisar Qalandhar, Som Nath Zutshi besides Mirza Arif Beigh and others. It was here that short stories were read, poetry was recited and discourses were held. It was the direct outcome of the progressive movement by virtue of which they had come together. But this process did not last long and the organisation disintegrated. Inspite of this closure of 'Halqae Arbab Zauk', the literary roots did not dry-up. During this time, the famous film producer and director and a noted progressive short story writer Ramanand Sagar, a native of Kashmir came into close contact with Pardesi. During his brief stay outside the state, he had formally aligned himself with this movement. He persuaded Pardesi to open a branch of progressive writers organisation. It is no overstatement to say that Prem Nath Pardesi and Ramanand Sagar played the same role in consolidating the progressive movement in Kashmir as was done by Sajad Zaheer and his friends in other parts of India. The same has been acknowledged by Pardesi himself: "Immediately on his arrival after two years, Ramanand Sagar met me. He asked me to establish a branch of the progressive writers organisation. Eventually, we both joined hands together to mobilize the native progressive writers and established an organisation, which exists even today". These were the same progressive writers, who were associated with 'Halqae Arbab Zauk'. This is how progressive writers organisation was launched formally. The organisation operated from Pardesi's house and gradually its influence extended. The progressive poets and writers from outside Kashmir, by their participation in the meetings of the organisation, cheered-up the young talent. This helped in the growth of the movement. The functioning of this small organisation took the shape of a full-fledged literary movement in the state of Jammu and Kashmir. Those of the basic problems which were mentioned in the progressive writers first declaration again became the subject of deliberations.

As mentioned earlier the meetings of the organisation would take place on the first day of every month at Pardesi's house. But with the spread of its sphere of influence and the increased interest shown by the literary people, the venue of the meetings shifted to the halls of Biscoe School and S.P. College. The proceedings of those meetings were published in 'Navyug', a newspaper edited by Nand Lal Wattal and subsequently in a weekly 'Nizam',published from Bombay. At this time, Rajander Singh Bedi, Khwaja Ahmed Abbas, Balraj Sahni, Devinder Satyarthi and many other progressive writers and poets arrived here and participated in the meetings of the organisation. Prem Nath Pardesi, Som Nath Zutshi, Ali Mohammad Lone, Sallahudin Ahmed, Kanwal Nain Parvez, Professor Mahmood Hashmi, S.N. Kanwal, Qaisar Qalandhar, Mohinder Raina, Hamid Fitrat and Dr. Nazurul Islam are the notable local writers and poets, who were associated with this organisation. This organisation remained active till 1948 and proved quite affective. At this time, Ramanand Sagar wrote many short stories, which were put to debate in these meetings.

Pardesi also wrote a few of his famous short stories, which had the then regime's exploitation as the main theme. 'Khutbay', 'Kagaz Ki Jandiyen', 'Juvari' are the notable short stories, which were read-out in different meetings of the organisation. In October 1947, Pakistan at the behest of the British imperialists sent armed infiltrators into Kashmir. These were the days, when the Dogra rule was on its last legs. The weak forces of Maharaja Hari Singh capitulated against the onslaught of heavily armed invading forces, who were experts in guerilla warfare. The Maharaja ran away leaving behind his helpless subjects in lurch and the government came into the hands of the people, whose leader was Sher-e-Kashmir, Sheikh Mohammad Abdullah. The infiltrators were forced to flee with the help of Indian army and it was a turning point in our history. The infiltrators by coming close to the city limits of Srinagar had snatched peace and harmony of the people. A reign of loot, plunder, death and destruction was at its peak.

Under these circumstances, besides external defence, maintaining internal peace and confidence was necessary. As such a small force by the name of National Militia was formed, whose one wing named as Cultural Front comprised of intellectuals, writers, poets and enlightened youth. It is pertinent to mention here that most of those enrolled in the National Conference were progressive mined youth. For this, 'Naya Kashmir', the manifesto of the National Conference is a proof in itself. However, Khwaja Ghulam Mohammad Sadiq and Moulana Mohammad Sayeed, who occupied a place of prominence in the National Conference, consolidated the cultural front movement. Initially, the front functioned from the Coronation Hotel(presently Kashmir Guest House). It was here in the rooms of this hotel that the early soul-stirrings songs were composed, Guns were distributed and training imparted to the intellectuals, writers and poets, who owned their allegiance to this front. With the guns on their shoulders, they would guard during nights and compose new songs during the day time.

Pardesi was the first to offer his services to the front. 'Step by step, we will march ahead and fight on the front', a famous song of him then, was on everybodys' lips at that time.

'Swali' and 'Mujahid Sherwani', the dramas written by Pardesi during this time were staged by National Cultural Front and became instantaneous hits. The cultural front became very popular in a short span of time. Its theatre wing (which was following 'Ipta' line), staged Mehmood Hashmi's dramaKashmir Yeh Hai' and 'Choudan Golien' of Khwaja Ahmed Abass, in addition to Pardesi's dramas. The theatre wing included Dina Nath Nadim, Mohan Lal Aima, Usha Kashyap, Khurshid Jallaudin, Sumitra and Santosh Lakhwara, Achala Sachdev, Sheela Bhatia, Sher Jang, Raj Bans Khanna, Durga Singh, Girdhari Dhar, Pran Kishore and others. These plays proved fruitful for our stage and the theatre movement. With the emergence of the extra ordinary political situation, this front was disbanded. On similar lines, the state Cultural Congress came into being.

It comprised of three sections, that of writer's and poets (writer's section), theatre artists' section, and painters section. The writers section was known by the name of Progressive Writers Association (P.W.A.), which was headed by Khwaja Ghulam Mohammad Sadiq. This organisation in addition to being practically a part of the Progressive Movement, was also working actively as its unit. Being disciplined to its objectives, it was pursuing its programme vigorously.

A large number of intellectuals were associated with it, the notable among them being Peer Abdul Ahad, Ghulam Rasool Renzu, Peer Giasudin, Noor Mohd., Moti Lal Misri, Pran Nath Jalali, Badri Nath Nishat and Madhusudhan Kausar. The senior writers and poets included Shair-e-Kashmir Mehjoor, Aasi, Master Zinda Koul and amongst the younger generation, almost all the prominent writers, poets and artists were involved with this organisation; the notable among them being Dina Nath Nadim, Rehman Rahi, Amin Kamil, Mohinder Raina, Noor Mohammad Roshan, Aziz Haroon, Zaib Kamran.

Arjun Dev Majboor, Akhtar Mohiudin, Som Nath Zutshi, Ali Mohd. Lone, Qaisar Qalandhar, Bansi Nirdosh, Nand Lal Ambardar, Prem Nath Premi, Dina Nath Almast, Deepak Koul besides Tej Bahadur Bhan etc.

The hot discussions would take place in the weekly meetings of the organisation. The participants would include not only writers and poets but also the intellectuals and educationists. It is a fact that the critical and the creative trend was not extremist in nature but the situation was the same as was prevalent in the initial stages of the progressive movement everywhere. Through these meetings, the Kashmiri and Dogri literature drew new inspirations. A realisation dawned that the revolutionary ideas and changing intellectual perceptions can best be represented in the local language, and mother tongue only. As such, it found its outlet in Kashmiri, Dogri and Ladakhi creative writings, which in turn enriched these languages.

It is apt to state that the present distinguished Kashmiri writers and poets, who were associated with this organisation, used to write in Urdu language earlier. Urdu was the creative language of Nadim, Rahi, Kamil, Akhtar, Nirdosh, Deepak, Tej, Som Nath Zutshi and Ali Mohd. Lone. At this time, the legendary Hindi progressive writer, novelist and a critic Shodan Singh Chouhan was the moving spirit behind this organisation, who perhaps under the directions of the central organisation was camping here. Under his guidance, the activities of the organisation attained new heights. The renowned artist Sheela Bhatia was associated with the theatre wing. Ali Sardar Jaffari, Dr. Ram Vilas Sharma, Dr. Salamat Ullah, Zia Ahmed, Kamal Ahmed Sidiqqi (who latter-on worked in the Radio Station here), frequented the organisation's meetings as and when present here. In this way, under a fine formulated guide line, not only was the movement run but the literature too got a flip.

The year 1953 once again witnessed a new political turn in Kashmir. Sheikh Mohammad Abdullah was arrested. Under the leadership of Bakshi Ghulam Mohammad and Khwaja Ghulam Mohammad Sadiq, the new government undertook various new initiatives.

The name of All State Cultural Congress was changed into State Cultural Conference. Now the writers and poets from Ladakh and Jammuwere more actively associated with it. This movement impressed upon to write in the local languages in order to garner the local support. It was realised that the expressions can be conveyed effectively though the mother tongue.

In order to gain public confidence, the second important consideration was to present the problems of the people in their own languages.

In consequence, it created a wealth of creative literature in Kashmiri, Dogri and Ladakhi languages.

It can be said with certainty that in the absence of this movement, perhaps our local languages would have not attained such a tremendous growth. The theatre wing of the organisation, which was apart of 'Ipta’ increased its activities greatly. A young poet, Abdul Gani Namtahali and his friends did a pioneering job in making the commonman well acquainted with the revolutionary Kashmiri poetry. Namthali was a native of Namthal, Chadura. He was recognised as a public musician and was known as local 'Paul Robsan'.

As and when he would sing in his sweet voice in tune with his music, the atmosphere would reverberate with the revolutionary affect. The author himself was a witness to such countless mesmerizing performances in the rural belt at that time.

The attempt to create a pubic movement through culture, poetry, literature and art is a historical fact. During this time, the organisation also published a few booklets, the notable among them being, 'Gaye Ja Kashmir', 'Vuja-Mal' (lightening) and 'Soan Gaevun' (our songs).

Dina Nath Nadim was a torch-bearer of this movement. Nadim's writings attained phenomenal dimensions when he shifted to writing in Kashmiri from Urdu. He was a pioneer among the Kashmiri poets of the time. Fact is that Nadim gave a new dimension to the Kashmiri poetry. His experimentation with the trends and contents in this language will always be remembered with appreciation. A major portion of his poetry exhibiting revolutionary and rebellious trends are in the form of free verse. He was the first to write the first sonnet and first opera in Kashmiri.

Nadim greatly utilized the form of the folk songs in his poetry, which at times was greatly influenced by the poetry of Chakbast, Ahsan Danish and Josh. But after his association with the progressive movement, he wrote on novel themes, which opened new Vistas in Kashmiri literature.

At this time, Som Nath Zutshi, who earlier worked as Secretary of Progressive Writers Organisation, shifted from Urdu to Kashmiri language. Basically, he was a Urdu short story writer. Around this time, he wrote 'Yeli Phol Gash'. In this way, his short story along with Nadim's first short story'Jawabi Card', enjoy a prime place in Kashmiri language. Akhtar Mohiudin too was associated with the organisation at this time. Akhtar was an acknowledged Urdu short story writer and his short story 'Pandrich' was an award winning entry in one of the Urdu short story contest. He also started writing short stories in Kashmiri. His compilation of short stories 'Sat Sangar' was the first compilation in Kashmiri language, which won him the Sahitya Academy Award. Rahi, Kamil, Firaq, Roshan, Ranjoor were outstanding poets, who due to the diversities of themes  and by their experimentation with the trends carved-out a niche for themselves in the Kashmiri literature. The organisation also started publishing a periodical'Kong Posh' (saffron). In the initial stages, it had two sections: Urdu and Kashmiri. But later-on during the time of cultural conference 'Kong Posh'was published separately in both Urdu and Kashmiri languages. Based on progressive ideas and convictions, one more periodical 'Azad' which was edited by Badri Nath Nishat and Madhusudhan Kosar, was published.

After some time, these publications ceased to be published but their contribution in the enrichment of progressive movement can never be overlooked. A number of organisations came into existence at that time.'Halqae Adab Khanyar' is worth mentioning. Even though, these organisations were not associated at the administrative level with the Progressive Writers' Organisation, but the kind of literature presented and the nature of discourses held, had the objective to develop and expand the progressive ideology.

During this time, the young artists of the cultural conference and other organisatinos who made their presence felt included Umesh Koul, Ghulam Nabi Khayal, Chaman Lal Chaman, Makhan Lal Baeqas, Muzaffar Azim, Farooq Budgami, Shahid Budgami, Moti Lal Saqi, Brij Premi, Pushkar Nath, Hakim Manzoor, Manzoor Hashmi, Autar Krishan Rehbar, Tahir Muztar, Shankar Raina, Taj Begum, Nirmala Kusum, Ghulam Nabi Baba, Rashid Nazki, Ayub Betab, Bahudin Zahid, Badurudin, Shamim Ahmed Shamim, Hari Krishan Koul, Farooq Nazki and many other artists. A few among them are presently well-known Urdu and Kashmiri writers and poets, enjoying national fame.

The first declaration of the Progressive Writers Organisation (of India) asserted "The objective of our organisation is to free the literature and the fine arts from the grip of fanatics and make it a representative of people's aspirations, hopes and struggle so as to pave way for the bright future, for which the humanity is striving for presently. We Indians claim to be the inheritors of the proud cultural legacy...We through the organisation will represent those aspirations, which will show a new and better way of life to our nation."

The declaration of All State Cultural Conference also reaffirmed the manifesto of the first conference of the Progressive Writers' Organisation with a few amendments: "We declare that our culture, our nation and the public life is dear to us. We also declare that the cultural heritage left behind by our ancestors will be preserved by us at any cost. By enriching further these traditions, we will formulate a better life. We also declare that for promotion of art and literature, the betterment of public life is necessary. Fine art and literature have always represented the aspirations and feelings of the people. Only that art has flourished, which has remained aligned with the concerns of public life..." (Bi-Monthly Kong Posh Urdu Number 1).

But the declarations are similar in nature and represent the same line. After 1957-58, this movement gradually slowed down and lost its original grandeur. This situation developed in the overall progressive movement of the country. The progressive movement in Kashmir has remained a prominent literary movement. It had taken an integrated and unified shape in Kashmir and it set new milestones not only for Kashmiri but also for Dogri and Ladakhi literature. For this very reason, nobody from the field of literature can overlook the historical and beneficial role of this movement.

*(Translated from original Urdu by Sh. Upender Ambardar)

Pearls of Mystic Poetry in Kashmiri


By Upender Ambardar

Kashmiri is the most prominent language of the J&K. state, which has a vast and a rich literature of its own. Mystic interpretation is quite evident in Kashmiri poetry, the main focus being on the realisation of the Absolute Self. The mystic poetry in Kashmiri has an indescribable spiritual charm of its own, which gives a wonderful feeling of joy and utmost exhilaration to a reader.

The book 'Mahanay Prakash' by Shatikanath is perhaps the earliest work in Kashmiri in the Sharda script. It comprises of ninety four stanzas and all of them are based on Shavite philosophy.

Chronologically speaking, after Shatikanth, Lal Ded (1339-1400 A.D.) is the first saint poetess of Kashmir; who ushered in a rich literary period in Kashmiri poetry. Lalla was a saint philosopher, who had Sidh Boi, an eminent Sanskrit scholar of that time as her Guru.

Lalleshwari, commonly known as Lal Ded is credited to be the first and supreme exponent of the mystic experience in Kashmiri poetry.

She has left an everlasting impact on the spiritual, cultural and everyday life of Kashmir. Her poetry is an excellent treatise on the indigenous Trika philosophy, which is in the form of mystic verses called 'Vakhs' (a derivation from Sanskrit 'Vakhayan').

Her 'Vakhs', which are poetic compositions of four or sometimes more than four lines, are full of mystic excellence with a spiritual depth and clarity. Lal Ded's verses usually called as 'Lalla Vakhs' are an assertion of her personal spiritual experience and divine grandeur. The Vakhs speak of her communion with the absolute truth called 'Shiva' or God, which Lal Ded says can be realised not by penance but by leading a life, which is simple and free from desire and greed.

"Passionate, with longing in my eyes, Searching wide and seeking nights and days,

Lo! I behold the Truthful one, the wise." Her poetry is replete with her total identification and rapport with the ultimate Truth and Supreme Reality, that is Shiva.

"Ardous it is to seek the Truth and God, Artificial discipline or knowledge profound suffice not, Absorbed in scriptures, very hard one may A communion one can't have, a scholar if one be."

Lal Vakhs preach equality, tolerance, universal love, harmony and brotherhood irrespective of caste, colour and creed. The following mystic verses bear testimony to her spiritual experience.

"I, Lalla, entered through the garden of my soul,

Lo! I saw Shiva and Shakti rolled in one, Overwhelmed with joy, I got immersed there itself." "If thou art wise, get inside,

Shiva is there, do not go anywhere. Friend, put thy trust in my word." Lalla was a true Shaivite both in thought and practice. As for her, Shiva is the supreme reality beyond all conceived.

Says, she :

"What to offer you in worship, you are the sky, you ae the earth, you are the air, the day and the night." She makes a frequent reference to Shiva in her mystic verses and openly speaks of her emptiness, while towing the lifes' boat all alone.

"I, with a rope of loose-spun thread am towing, my boat upon the sea,

Would that God hear the

prayers that I have said?

Will He safely overcarry me. Like water in cups of unbaked clay,

I run to waste, Would God, I were to reach my home."

Lalla in her 'Vakhs' implores upon us to listen to the inner voice, which alone can guarantee the inner peace and tranquility, for she firmly believes that realization of the self is synonymous with the realization of Shiva.

"My Guru gave me but one percept, From without withdraw your gaze within,

And fix it on th inmost self, Taking to heart this one percept,

Naked I began to roam."

Further, Lalla says,

"Lord, I have not known myself other than myself,

Continually have I mortified this vile body,

That thou art I, that I am thou,

that these are joined in one, I know not."

The mystic verses of Lalleshwari full of Shavite philosophy are gems of Kashmiri poetry. The riddles, dazzling metaphors, finest similies and imagery are revealed in full splendour in her mystic verses.

While reading her mystic verses, even the most bruised heart gets comforted and succoured and for a while, the earthly worries and sorrows fade-away and cease to exist. There is also a perfect blending of thought and word in her verses, which touches the deepest chord of every heart.

Her 'Vakhs' speak of inner quest, inward control, self-purification, self-surrender and a sincere pursuit of spiritual perfection.

Inshort, the contribution of the illustrious saint poetess Lalleshwari to the spiritual literature and cultural heritage of Kashmir is unparalleled.

The saint poet and founder of Reshi order of saints, Sheikh Noor-Ud-Din Noorani (1376-1438. A.D.), also known as Nund Rishi or Sahajanand and Alamdar of Kashmir was a close contemporary of the saint-poetess Lal-Ded.

His poetic compositions known as 'Shruk' (derived from Sanskrit Shloka), preach love, equality, non-violence, tolerance and respect for all beliefs.

A native of Kaimoh village near Kulgam in district Anantnag, Nund Rishi was an illustrious exponent of the mystic experience in Kashmiri poetry. He had a mystic rapport with the Shavite philosopher and saint poetess Lal-Ded. His shrukhs are full of proverbs, parables and wise sayings.

His mystic verses called as 'Sheikh Shrukhs' speak of catholicity of vision, righteousness and purity of mind and heart. All his mystic verses are in common man's language. Nund Rishi was a vociferous preacher of a simple living, a living free from desire and want.

"Desire is like the knotted wood of the forest,

It can not be made into planks, beams or into cradles.

He who cut and felled it

Will burn it into ashes."

His verses give a wonderful feeling of spiritual experience and mystic meaning of God.

"There is one God, But with a hundred names,

There is not a single blade of grass, Which does not worship Him."

In-short, his poetry confirms Nund Rishi as a great soul, saint philosopher and a mystic poet of a very high order.

Rupa Bhawani, another great mystic poetess of Kashmir was born in 1624 A.D. to a spiritual scholar Pandit Madhav Joo Dhar of Mohalla Khanaqahi Sokhta (Safakadal), Srinagar. He was also her spiritual guru. She also enriched Kashmiri literature with her rich mystic poetry. Though, well-versed with both Sanskrit and Persian languages, Rupa Bhawani chose Kashmiri the common man's language as the vehicle for expressing her spiritual thoughts, pursuits and experiences in the form of 'Vakhs.'

Her Vakhs display a great influence of Kashmiri Shaivism on her.

"Selflessness is the sign of selfless,

Bow down at the door of the selfless,

The selfless are of the highest authority,

The kings of the time and the wearers of the crest and the crown."

Rupa Bhawanis' Vakhs are assertive of the dissolution of the self, which alone does guarantee the spiritual realisation. Her mystic verses are also full of spiritual and yogic fragrance, providing spiritual comfort to the harried creature called man.

Parmanand (real name Nand Ram), born in a village Seer near mattan, presents a refreshing contrast in Kashmiri poetry with his devotional songs and hymns. Being a highly gifted poet of Kashmir, his poetry consisting of "bhajans" and 'leelas' are recited in the marriage and religious functions of Kashmiri Pandits.

His 'Radha Soyamver', 'Shiv-Lagan' and 'Sudhama Charitra' are regarded as masterpieces in Kashmiri poetry. 'Radha Soyamver' is a valuable contribution to the devotional literature of Kashmir.

One of the famous devotional poems of Parmanand, entitled 'Amarnath Yatra' symbolises the various stages through which a devotee has to pass during the attainment of his spiritual goal. His other devotional poems like 'Kul ta chay'(Tree and shadow) and 'Karam-bhumika.' also merit a mention.

Parmanands' contemporary Laxman Bulbul also wrote devotional songs and "leelas". He also rendered a part of 'Radha Soyamver' in Kashmiri. His 'Ram Geeta' and a few of his leelas stand published in the book 'Gyan Prakash.'

Sahib Koul, a devotional poet of seventeenth century translated 'Ram Avtar' in Kashmiri. Apart from it, he has penned down 'Janma Chareth'; in which Sahib Koul eloquently dwells upon the inportance of 'Isht-Deev' and the spiritual guru.

Pandit Govind Koul has also contributed to a large extent to the devotional poetry of Kashmir. Hailing from the village Vanpoh in Anantnag district, his poetry exhibits rich spiritual and devotional depths.

Govind Koul's poetry speaks of a spiritual union of the human body with its soul and of a total and complete surrender to God.

The appreciation of the richness of nature and it's unspoilt beauty, the purity of mind and heart and omnipresence of God are the hallmark of Pt. Govind Koul's devotional poetry.

"Engulfed in turmoil; confusion prevailing, Thy mercy and thy love,

Only through these, din is gone.

The lone ambition now is, Thou ferry me across,

The turbulent waves, which took Massive threatening,

Govinda, thy mind, thy self, Grind these all,

...... Everything is thine, everything, I offer at thy feet,

I shall feel liberated and freed."

In another devotional poem, Govind Koul says,

"God it is, He alone, Who supervises the world,

Supreme Bliss comes to those, To whom, thee merciful are,

He is the guide, the master, in this darkness prevailing around.

He sustains all and guides in storms wild. Bliss shall come, concentrate on Him."

In his another master-piece poetic composition entitled 'Hosh Thav Herdum' (Be ever vigilant), Govind Koul says,

"Be virtuous, be kind, love all and this path be,

With love and with faith, remember Him, Him

Govinda, He alone shall take you across."

Prakash Kurgami is another outstanding devotional poet of Kashmir, who outshines as a translator of 'Ramayana' in Kashmiri verse. In it, he has enacted the entire life history of Lord Ram in poetry, taking help of local landscape of the Kashmir valley. The use of familiar places of Kashmir like Wangat, Vicharnag, Ramradhan, Narannag, Nunar, Brahmsar and Harmukh etc. invoke lofty feelings and sentiments while reading his translation.

In addition to Prakash Kurgami, Veshin Koul, Anand Ram and Neelkanth have also rendered the Kashmiri translation of Ramayana, though they did't attain the popularity as commanded by Prakash Kurgami.

Vasudevji was a close contemporary of Prakash Kurgami. He has written some devotional poems in 'Ram Avtar Charitar.'

Pandit Mirzakak of eighteenth century was also a great mystic poet of Kashmir, who also contributed a lot for the continuation of 'Vakh' tradition in Kashmiri poetry. He was born at the village Hangulgund, which is adjacent to the tourist resort of Kokernag in Anantnag district.

Pt. Mirzakak regards the ultimate truth as synanymous with Ram, Shyam and Brahma.

"Tas nav Shyam Sunder, Ghara chus Zagi under, .... Bhajan kar Ram Ramay."

Pandit Krishan Joo Razdan has also contributed mystic pearls to Kashmiri poetry. His 'Shiv Purana' is a superb poetic transcreation of Shiv Mahapuran in Kashmiri. "Achhe Posh Gav Lachhi Nouv Heth.", which highlights the union of Lord Shiva and Shakti, is an outstanding addition to the devotional literature of Kashmir.

Shiva is characterised as Chanderchood in it, making appearance in the dark fortnight and also as 'Lachhinov' and Godess Uma as Pranshakti and 'Achhe-posh.'

Master Zinda Koul, popularly known as Masterji is another noted mystic poet of Kashmir, who has an illustrious place in the mystic poetry of Kashmir. His poetry establisnes him as a firm believer in Karma theory. The collection of his thirty-five poems in Kashmiri entitled 'Sumran' exhibit a deep influence of Kashmir Shaivism, Vedanta and Upanishads in his poetry.

"He is unknown, unseen Quietly listens, sitting by."

Master Zinda Koul's poem, entitled 'Helplessness' is a master-piece, which highlights the depths of feeling and search for the absolute truth.

The 'Sumran' won him the prestigeous Sahitya Academy Award for Kashmiri in 1956.

In addition to it, Thakur Manwati, who was influenced by Krishn Joo Razdan, has also contributed some 'leelas', which were published in 'Amrit Sagar'.

Manjoo, who was a Krishna devotee, has also written a few devotional poems mostly in praise of Lord Krishna. The tradition of 'Vakhs' in Kashmiri poetry has also been kept alive by Pandit Tika Kak, Pt. Bonakak and Pt. Lachi Kak etc through their devotional poetry.

Many Muslim poets have also contributed to the mystic poetry of Kashmir. Sufi mysticism is quite evident in their poems. The said trend was set-in by Rahim Sahib, which was carried forward by Shah Ibrahim, Nyam Sahib, Rehman Dar, and Shams Faqeer. Shams Faqeer, the noted saint-poet initiated a new era in the Muslim mystic poetry; his poems have a synthesis of Sufism and Shavite monism. Two more mystic poets, Wahabkhar of Khrew and Asad Paray of Hajin also echo the mystic vision in their poetry. Ahmed Batwari also stands-out as a prominent poet in the realm of mystic poetry. His allergorical 'Nai' and 'Indrazun Darbar' mystic songs are also an addition to this glorious tradition.

Besides them, Shah Qalandhar, Shah Gafoor, Lassa Baba, Samad Mir, Soch Kral and Mirza Akmal-ud-Din have also reaffirmed their belief in this priceless legacy.

In short, the mystic poetry is a glorious heritage of Kashmiri literature.

Hari Parbat - the Reservoir of Religio-Cultural Strength


By Upender Ambardar

The pious and sacred places of pilgrimages have deep roots in our socio-religious traditions. They are an inseparable part of our cultural heritage. Kashmir has been a cradle of spiritual and cultural rejuvenation since time immemorial. The shrines and holy pilgrimage centres located at every nook and corner of the valley are places of devotion and reverence for the entire Kashmiri Pandit Community. They are not only a great source of our spiritual inspiration but also the main strength of our faith and devotion.

Hari Parbat (the hill of Sharika) situated at the periphery of Srinagar city is an ancient and one of the holiest places of Kashmir. It is the abode of Mahashakti - the Divine Mother Jagatamba Sharika Bhagwati, also known as Maha Tripursundhari or Rajrajeshwari (locally called as Hari). The eighteen armed Goddess Sharika (Ashtadushbuja*, Fig. 1) is regarded as the Presiding Deity (Isht-Devi) of Srinagar city. The Goddess Sharika is manifestation of the foremost Deity and Supreme Mother of the Universe - the Goddess Durga. The Goddess Sharika is represented by a `Soyambhu' Shrichakra (Mahamaha Shrichakra), also called Mahashriyantra, which consists of circular mystic impressions and triangular patterns with a dot (bindhu) at the centre. The mystic Shrichakra engraved on a vertical holy rock (shila) is located at the middle of western face of Hari Parbat.

This very shila smeared with a paste of lead-oxide or red lead (sindhoor) and decorated with silver foils (ropa-vark) and fresh flowers is the holy shrine of Chakrishwar. The Deity is known as Shri Chakrishwari (Fig. 2). The shrine can be approached from Deviangan by a flight of chiselled stones, numbering one hundred and eleven. It is perhaps due to the Goddess Shrichakra that the capital city of Kashmir is said to have derived it's name of Srinagar (Shrinagra).

As for the `Visishtadhvaita' doctrine, `Shri' is the Divine Consort of The Lord and is said to play an intermediatory role between God and the human soul. The Shrichakra (Fig. 3) is a symbolic representation of the cosmic union of the Lord Shiva and Shakti. The Shrichakra is the most famous `Yantra' andYantra is indispensable in the Tantra Worship.

Every Goddess is represented by an individual `Yantra' and among all the Yantras, the most famous and venerated one is the `Shri-yantra'. The yantrainscribed with specific mantras represents the Divine Mother, who is the cause of creation, sustenance and dissolution of the Cosmos.


Fig. 1 : Ashtadushbuja

*Gratitude is expressed to Mrs. Bimla Rainaji for procuring and providing this rare photograph which is captioned as "The Centuries old idol of Goddess Ashtadushbuja, Mata Kaliji, stolen by some miscreants from an ancient temple of Hari Parbat in Srinagar.

These attributes of shakti are recognised by the great Vedantin Adishankaracharya. The very first line of the first shaloka of his famous hymn `Saundarya-Lehri', states clearly that Lord Shiva is powerless without the divine energy of the Shakti. Some of the selected shaloka's of `Saundarya-Lehri', `Panchastavi' and `Durga Saptshati' dedicated to the praises of the Divine Mother are recited regularly every morning by the devotees at the holy shrine of Shri Chakrishwari. The shrine of Chakrishwar has been a place of worship from the day, the Goddess Sharika manifested Herself in the form of a `shila' on the Hari-Parbat. Various names such as `Pradyuman Peeth', `Sidh-Peeth', `Shakti-Peeth', besides `Sharika-Peeth' have been assigned to the holy shrine of the Goddess Chakrishwari.

The devotees often recite the `Sharika Mahatmya' sholaka with faith and reverence during the circumambulation (parikrama) of the shrine. This sholaka clearly refers to the Pradyuman-peeth as being the sacred seat of `Shri-Chakra' on the Hari-Parbat.

A verse from the `Rudra Yamla Tantra' is inscribed on the marble slab installed above the holy `shila'. This verse speaks about the nature and form of Shri-Chakra - the Superme Goddess Sharika.

The `Shakt Shastra' also admires and glorifies the Goddess Sharika as the most adorable and magnificient Deity with eighteen arms, who takes good care of the universe and Her devotees.

To worship the Supreme Goddess, the devotees would go to Hari Parbat regularly and reach the shrine of Chakrishwar to be at the holy feet of the Divine Mother in the wee hours of the morning. Phagun Krishna Paksh Ashtami (Hora Ashtami or Hur Aathum) and Ashad Shukla Paksh Saptami, Ashtami and Navami (Har Satum, Har Aathum and Har Navum) are the auspicious days for the devotional congregational prayers at the Sharika-peeth Chakrishwar.

Asad Navami (Har Navum) is said to be the Birthday of Sharika Bhagwati. On this day, the devotees make sacrificial offering of `Taher-charvan' (Taher - rice boiled with turmeric powder and mixed with oil and salt; charvan - cooked liver of goat) to the Supreme Goddess.

This ritual is locally known as `Chout Kharoun'. On `Navreh' (the New Year Day of Kashmiri Pandits), during the month of Magh and Navratra days' (Nav-Durgah), the devotees regularly visit the Hari-Parbat for special prayers and wroship.

Earlier, the Birthday of Jagat Amba sharika Bhagwati used to be celebrated by performing a `Mahachandi Yagna', which would commence on Ashad Saptami (Har Satum) and culminate on Ashad Shukla Paksh Navami (Har Navum) with a sacrificial offering of a lamb called `Raje-Kath'. Presently, `Har-Navum', the holy birthday festival of the Goddess Sharika is celebrated at Chakrishwar shrine with a night long singing of hymns and bhajans in the praise of the Goddess.

Some of the devotees prefer to do parikrama (prakrum) for the complete month of Magh right from the Lord Ganishs' temple (Ganishon), passing through Devi-Angan right upto Kathi-Darwaza.

Pir Pandit Padshah Resh Peer, one of the greatest saints of Kashmir of 17th, Century is said to have performed circumambulation of Hari-Parbat (a distance of about three miles) on his knees for forty days in the wee hours of the morning.

A legend from the `Sharika Mahatmya' records that in order to save and free the residents of the valley (Satidesh) from the evil deeds of the demon, the Mother Goddess Ashtadushbuja Jagatamba Durga took the form of a bird (Harin Kashmiri and `myna' in Hindi).

On the day of Ashad Shukla Paksh Navami (Har Navum), it is believed to have carried a celestial pebble in its' beak and dropped it on the demon to crush it to death. A miracle happened and the celestial pebble is said to have assumed the shape and form of a hillock giving the name of Sharika Parbat or Hari Parbat to the hillock.

Subsequently, the Goddess Sharika (represented by the mystic `Soyambhu' Shrichakra), made Her permanent Abode on the Western face of the hillock (Hari Parbat) on a vertical rock (shila) to assure the native people of Her presence and protection.

The whole hillock of Hari Parbat is a hallowed place. A number of temples and holy spots representing the different Deities are located on its' all sides.

It is because of this belief that the devotees undertake a circumambulation (parikrama) of the whole hillock of Hari Parbat. The parikrama starts from the Lord Ganeshs' shrine (Ganishon), which is located on the south-western corner of Hari Parbat. Inside the temple, the Deity is represented by a huge `shila', smeared with lead-oxide or red lead (sindhoor). The Principal Devta Ganisha (Adideva Ganesha) is also known by the names of Ganpati, Vinayak, Heramba, Ekadenta, Lambodara, Vignesa, Vighna-Hari and Gajanana. Believed to be kind, generous and calm, Lord Ganesha is always invoked before starting any auspicious event or religious ceremony. Ganpati is worshipped both in the form of an image and yantra. The `Swastika' is also regarded as a graphic symbol of Lord Ganesha.

From Lord Ganeshjis' temple, there are two parikrama routes; one, along foot-hill of the hillock and the other along the fortified stone wall locally known as `Kalai'. The devotees have the option of taking either of the two routes.

The next place of obeisance on parikrama route is the `Saptrishi sthapna (Satresh), which is marked by an open space on slope of the hillock near a big boulder in the vicinity of a Chinar tree. It is at this very spot, that the devotees used to ascertain their luck (locally known as phall) by random picking-up of some rice grains scattered on the boulder. (even number for bad and odd number for good luck) The Saptrishi, also called `Praja-patis`` are regarded as the mind-born sons (manus-putra's) of Brahma.

In the `Shatpath-Brahman', their names are given as Gotama, Bhardwaja, Vishwamitra, Vasishta, Kashyap, Atri and Jamad-agni. The seven Rishis are represented in the sky by seven stars known by the name of Great Bear. (Satresh).

Furtheron, the next holy spot to appear during parikrama is the "thapna" of the Goddess Kali, which is marked by a small temple adjacent to a Chinartree. Mahakali, the consort of Mahakal, the eternal time represents one of the aspects of Shakti, the primordial energy, which comprises the creation(Srishti) and dissolution (pralay). Kali, the eternal symbol of the mother cult destroys the evil and showers blessings on her devotees.

In front of the Kali-mandir, a large flat chunk of land measuring about ten kanals or so is known by the name of `Sidh-Peeth' - A place of awakened Divine presence. The Sidh-Peeth is believed to be invested with strong divine spiritual vibrations. Usually, the devotees worship and chant the holy name of the Eternal Mother at the Sidh-peeth in the auspicious hour's of pre-dawn.(Brahma-murta). The great saints of Kashmir, Pt. Madhav Joo Dhar, Rupe Bhowani, Krishna Kar, Resh Peer, Sahib Koul and many others' are said to have meditated and succeeded in their spiritual pursuits here at the Sidh-Peeth near the Chinar tree. The Sidh-Peeth also commands a most picturesque and panoramic view of the whole area.

Next, on the parikrama route of Hari Parbat is a vast stretch of open space known by the name of `Devi-Angan' - the playfield of the Cosmic Mother. It is studded with small hutments for the purpose of worship and meditation. Due to scenic charm and absorbing natural beauty, Devi-Angan is also a place for religious and social festivities.

Those of the devotees, who can not pay obeisance at the holy shrine of Chakrishwar, do pray and worship at the Devi-Angan. The holy shrine of Shrichakra with the adjacent open space known by the same name of Devi-angan is also present in TamilNadu.

Next holy spot on parikrama of Hari-Parbat is the "thapna" of `Hari', represented by a rock (shila), located on the north-eastern face of the hillock. The shila is also smeared with sindhoor. Earlier a small dharamshalla used to exist near this thapna. The devotees after performing pooja at this spot, take a symbolic `round-turn' parikrama in front of the shila, pronouncing loudly the holy words "Hari (Maujee) Kartum Yari" (The Mother Goddess bless me).

ChakriShwar Temple at Hari Parbhat, Srinagar
Fig. 2 : Shri Chakreshwari

In front of Devi-angan, the two parikrama routes, one along the fortification wall (Kalai) and the other below the foothill, merge together.

From here, the devotees while performing parikrama pay their obeisance to the Goddess Mahalakshmi by salutations (namaskar with folded hands) near Mahalakshmi thapna, which is situated at a higher elevation near the thapna of `Hari'. The devotees do not offer pooja here specifically, as Kashmiri Pandits have preferential adoration for the Goddess Saraswati - the Goddess of knowledge and learning rather than Laxmi - the Goddess of fortune and wealth.

Next and opposite to Mahalakshmi thapna, on the left side of parikramaroute, there is a temple called `Amber Kouls' mandir, though some people wrongly refer it as Ram Kouls' mandir. A little distance away from this temple is `Waris Khan's chah.' Amber Koul's temple is believed to be the first Lord Krishna's temple in the valley. The devotees after performing pooja and meditation would enjoy a panaromic view of the Dal-lake, while taking rest on a wooden platform of the temple facing east. Next on the parikrama, falls the thapna of `Vamdhev', which is located on the left side of the route. Vamdhev is regarded as the Divine Consort of the Goddess Raghnya. Previously, there existed a stone statue of Lord Vamdhev and a small "Dharmshalla". The devotees also perform parikrama here.

Pokhribal- the shrine of the Mother Raghnya is the next holy spot on the parikrama route. It has a holy spring inside the temple complex. A `samput yagnya' used to be performed in honour of the Goddess Raghnya especially on Shuklapaksh Ashtamis and other auspicious days.

A small Hanuman temple located on the right side of the foothill is the last holy spot on the parikrama route.

The circumbulation or parikrama ("prakrum") of the Hari-Parbat ends at "Kathi-Darwaga", which is one of the two main gates of the township around Hari Parbat, the other being "Sangeen-darwaza" towards Hawal. Hari Parbat is surrounded by orchards of almonds (called Badam-Vari) on its' three sides i.e. on north, west and east. During spring the `badam-vari' presents the look of a fairyland and people visit it to enjoy the almond blossom, localty known as "Badam phulai".

A regular visit to Hari Parbat used to be an integral part of the socio-religious life of every Kashmiri Pandit. The devotees would flock to the holy shrine early in the morning for solace, solitude, self purification and spiritual pursuits.

It is rightly believed that those who worship at Hari Parbat are deemed to have worshipped all the Gods and Goddesses of the Hindu mythology.

Undoubtedly, the whole hillock of Hari Parbat is a hallowed place and a source of spiritual, religious and cultural strength. It is a place of devotion and reverence for the entire Kashmiri Pandit Community.

 
Fig. 3 : Sri Chakra

Review - Manto Katha - A Notable Work Of Dr. Brij Premi


By Upender Ambardar

The book titled “Mantoo Katha” authored by Dr. Brij Premi is another factual and well documented book on Sadat Hassan Mantoo. Backed up with minutest details, the author reveals in a lucid manner certain unexplored and lesser known facets of Mantoo’s life and works, hitherto unknown.

The very first section of the book is intelligible with detailed information regarding Mantoo’s family, home, his communist mentor Bari Aleeg and his deep emotional attachment with Kashmir. The migration of Mantoo’s ancestors from Kashmir to Lahore and then to Amritsar, where a mohalla of Mantoos existed in the Kocha Vakeelyan is thoroughly traced by the author. The author further reveals that Mantoo’s ancestors had abandoned their traditional shawl and Pashmina business and adopted lawyer’s profession.

The reader is delighted to know that Mantoo’s father Moulvi Ghulam Hassan, a sub-judge by profession had like his son, Mantoo an emotional allegiance not only to Kashmir, his separated ‘homeland’ but also with its centuries old cultural and historical traditions. Though being physically far away from Kashmir, Mantoo’s father did not lose memory of his Kashmiri origin.

Likewise, we also come to know about the Kashmiri origin of Mantoo’s wife Safia Begum, who even though a resident of Africa was thoroughly a Kashmiri. Mantoo’s limitless love for Kashmir and his assertive feelings about it are also detailed with clarity in the book. Dr. Brij Premi familiarizes the readers with Mantoo’s mentor and guide, Bari Aleeg, a committed Marxist, who was greatly influenced by the revolutionary and proletarian ideology of Marx, Engels and Lenin.

As per the author, Mantoo even in adolescence was given to youthful pranks and elements of sensationalism. The unrestrained chats laced with sensational remarks like : "Americans have purchased Taj Mahal and would transport it to America with the help of heavy machinery”, "Traffic police of Lahore have been provided with jackets of Ice,” “My (Mantoo’s) fountain pen nib is made of donkey’s horn”, would make people gasp in wonder and amazement.

Dr. Premi’s indepth research indicates that Saadat Hassan Mantoo had no lure of money but was given to simple living and high thinking. He had also no tendency to camouflage his dealings. The reader also gets to know as to how Mantoo was initiated to drinking by his childhood friend, Hari Singh Amritsari and the circumstances which increased his addiction to alcohol during his stay at Delhi, Bombay and lastly in Lahore. A vivid picture of Mantoo’s addiction to alcohol is potrayed by the author, when Mantoo on his death-bed feversighly pleads for a drop of liquor to be put in his mouth to overcome his overpowering thirst for whisky. But the reader gets convinced that Mantoo resorted to alcoholism only to comfort his lacerated heart, hurt by unending chain of misfortunes and unhappy incidents in his life.

Continuing in the same vein, the author in the second section of the book gives a comprehensive account of Mantoo under various headings such as Mantoo as a novelist, Glimpses of Ghalib in Mantoo’s work, Mantoo as a translator besides his association with the film industry etc. Detailed information about Mantoo’s first novel ‘Untitled’ and his next novel‘Takhleeq’ is given in the book. Free use of Ghalib’s poetry by Mantoo in his writings is indicative of Ghalib’s influence on him. Though Mantoo was not personally acquainted with Shayir-e-Kashmir Mehjoor, yet he was successful in understanding Mehjoor through his inspiring poetry.

Similarly, the book carries letters written by Mantoo himself and the letters addressed to him, which are  reminder of the times when Mantoo was actively associated with journalism and film industry. These letters reveal numerous incidents of his literary and personal life and are  of lasting literary value. The detailed information provided by the author with regard to Mantoo’s translation work provides a valuable insight into his literary excellence.

The book “Mantoo Katha”, written by Dr. Brij Premi, is supplemented by graphic descriptions and valuable highlights of those aspects of Mantoo’s life and works most of which had remained hidden from the public gaze. Besides revealing Dr. Brij Premi's scholarly hold on the Urdu language, the book also exhibits the amount of painstaking efforts undertaken by the author. The book is appropriately titled, thoroughly enjoyable and a hallmark contribution to the Urdu literary world.

"Tahqiq", written by Sh. Arjan Dev Majboor - A Review


By Upender Ambardar

The book under review titled "Tahqiq", written in nastaliq Kashmiri by Sh .Arjan Dev Majboor published in the year 1999 (price not mentioned), spanning into 183 pages encases nine diverse essays. The book besides being a recounting of the past history of Kashmir and its historical icons is also a perceptive account of travel cum memoir. The thoughtfully selected and compelling writings included in the book give an insightful account about Kanishka, the renowned and illustrious ruler and history and culture of Himalayan states. A history of Kashmir, Kashmir under the Buddhist and Hindu era,Kashmir as encompassed in 'Gulabnama', Ritualistic Kashmiri marriage songs in the backdrop of mythology, Mysore as seen by the author and lastly the author's literary odyssey. The narrative of the first essay entitled 'Kanishka, the great Kushan emperor', unfolds his multifaceted attributes as a determined ruler, an accomplished and gallant soldier, an expert on warfare and a political strategist, who ruled over a vast area of the Indian sub-continent in the second century AD with an iron grip for twenty three years. His capital Purashpur, the present day Peshawar, a flourishing city of plenty was well connected both with the then extended Indian peninsula and the Central Asia through silk route. The hitherto lesser known facts and details about the Kushan dynasty, the trade and cultural ties, the architectural masterpieces of the Gandhara style and the hosting of the third Buddhist World Conference at Kundalvan-Srinagar outskirts are deftly pieced together. The second essay entitled 'History and Culture of Himalayan States based on the fifth volume of the name-same book offers an intimate understanding of the Sikh rule in Jammu region from the year 1810 to 1820, awareness about three Dogra rulers, the subsequent conquests in Ladakh and Baltistan, the emergence of Mian Dido as a local hero besides providing an incredible information about Maharaja Gulab Singh and armed exploits of General Zorawar Singh. 'A history ofKashmir', the third essay is an analysed narration, which gives a haunting glimpse of political geography and socio-religious history of ancient Kashmir.

It also dwells upon the various antiquated path-routes that led to Kashmir and the traditional Kashmiri crafts and arts. The next essay named 'Kashmir' is a condensed narration based on the review of Kashmir related different books. The author has delved deep into many layers of Kashmir's history presenting an integrated and sequential information about the medieval Kashmir, eminent rulers of Kashmir besides familiarising the reader with historical and cultural aspects of Kashmir. The essay on 'Kashmir under Hindu and Buddhist era' is a convincing and illuminating analysis of Kashmir especially under Buddhist rule. It brings to life many centuries of Kashmir's rich past which contributed to the emergence of a remarkable civilisation at that time. The essay under the heading 'Kashmir as covered in Gulab-naama' sets in motion the life and time of Maharaja Gulab Singh besides giving a brief look at the history of Jammu and important happenings in Kashmirduring the said period. The essay on ritualistic marriage songs and mythology is a delightful glimpse into the tradition of 'Wanvun' sung on the auspicious occasions.

Written in a simple and straight forward style supplemented by a few sample songs, the essay is an invaluable peep in this form of ancient ritual invocation of Kashmir. In the next essay 'Mysore as seen by the author', the reader is introduced to a rich mix of heritage, history, richness and variety of the landscape. The densely informative and absorbing account is sure to stimulate the imagination of a reader bitten by the wander bug. The  last essay of the book is a life odyssey and literary sojourn of the author Sh. Arjan Dev Majboor, an accomplished writer, poet and researcher. It is a vividly relived memoir, which is replete with nostalgia filled yesterdays besides having heavier and lighter moments of life. It also unfolds identifiable and tensely felt situations in addition to moments of despondency doubts, hopes and aspirations in the author's life.

In a plainspeak, the book entitled 'Tahqiq' , written in nastaliq Kashmir by Sh. Arjan Dev Majboor is an essay to read and understand refreshing work.

Unquestionably, this insightful book is an essential reading for anyone having an appetite for awareness and enlightenment.

*(The author is a well-known Researcher on History and Culture ofKashmir END

Kashmir Hindu Sanskars (Rituals, Rites and Customs): A Study


By Upender Ambardar

The book under review titled as 'Kashmir Hindu  Sanskars' (Rituals, Rites and Customs): A study is authored by Sh. S.N. Pandit. Before emarking upon the review of the said book, it is imperative to have a clear understanding of religion, culture, Sanskars, ritual rites and customs, which are altogether distinct and separate entities.

Etymologically, the word religion comes close to the meaning of 'dharma', originating from the Sanskrit root word 'Dhar' meaning to garner, to consolidate, to integrate, to sustain, to blend, to guard, to shield, to preserve or to safeguard. Religion is also said to be the cosmic order of the entire reality, rather it is a triad of the body, soul and the spirit. In other words, religion upholds and sustains the people by blending one's self with the divine supreme. In addition to it, religion also reaffirms the bond and link between the physical body, the soul which dwells in the body and the Divine Spirit. Religion is also supposed to cement our association with the entire humanity the universe in which we live and innumerable manifestations along with the associated unexplainable mysteries

Another term in vogue i.e 'Sanatan Dharma', which signifies an ancient revered tradition along with the accompanying spiritual pursuit, which encompasses the entire universe, the land in which we live, the country and the society in addition to the whole set of families and the relationships. The famous Sanskrit saying 'Vasudhaiva Kutumbakam i.e. the whole universe is my family and that all beings, are one bears testimony to this concept of 'Sanatan Dharma'. All the religions have three aspects of philosophy, rituals and mythology, among which philosophy runs same in all the religions with rituals and mythology exhibiting variations. Next comes culture, which in my opinion is a face-up to the past, which prepares us for the future. Culture is a complex interplay of diverse components of customs, rituals, ceremonies, beliefs, taboos and codes of social habits and conduct along with the related institutions and methodological activities. It is the culture, which acts as a lever to enforce the people to adhere to the socially acceptable moral, ethical and principled norms. The expressive strategy is one of the aspects of culture, which includes music, dance, art, literature and above all the mother tongue. Lastly, culture encourages and inspire the people of a particular set-up to interpret the individual and social life meaningfully.

The quality of excellence of culture is determined by rituals, rites andcustoms, which enrich our lives by nourishing our souls and in the process give a purposeful meaning to our time-tested traditional values. The rituals, rites and customs are a set of rules and norms of conduct, which ensure the cultural welfare of a social group or a community by guiding our everyday actions. They are invaluable and helpful for our mental, physical, psychological and spiritual well-being. Having a strong emotional base, they are interwoven in the matrix of our social and cultural lives. As such, they provide socio-cultural directions that give strength and might to the community. Last but not the least are the Sanaskars, which are integrated acts of purification of the mind, which help in self-realisation. Sanskars leave a permanent and everlasting impression on the mind. They are acquired gradually and slowly either by scriptures but mostly by observations. They not only connect us with the past but also force us on the righteous path. Now coming to the book titled "Kashmir Hindu Sanskars", authored by Sh SN Pandit is a whooping 461 pages tome, thoughtfully structured into seventeen chapters and is priced at Rs 475.

It covers a huge range of subjects ranging from 'Garbadhana' i.e. very conception for life to the last and final stage of life. The book under review is a recounting of religio-social cultural history of Kashmiri Pandits, enfolding a fascinating and detailed account of almost every aspect of our ritual, rite and custom.

Perhaps, it is for the first time that the said book gives a telling insight into everything connected with our customs and rituals, providing an in-depth chronicle of our daily lives. The book gives a clear understanding of the daily rituals and rites meant both for men and women, supposed to be performed from dawn to dusk. The author in introduction dwells on the past history by describing Kashmiri Pandits - the Saraswat Brahmins as the direct descendents of Kashyap Rishi. The introductory narrative also unfolds the point that at the onset of first Manvantra, the nine rishis namely Maricha, Atri, Angira, Pulastya, Vishvamitra, Bhardwaja, Gautama and Jamedagni  were the first to inhabit the drained-out land of Satidesha. The author also enlightens us that though sixteen Sanskars are in vogue among Hindus outside Kashmir but in contrast to it, Kashmiri Pandits have twenty four Sanaskars to guide them right from the conception and birth to death.

In the journey of life, these Sanskars are signboards that indicate directions to be followed at various stages of life. The chapter two covers almost all the rituals right from the pre-natal Sanaskars and rituals starting from 'Bijwapan/Garbhadan to the post-birth rituals of 'Truy' (third day after birth, 'Shransondar' (ritualistic bathing), 'Kaha-Nethir' (Jatakarn), 'Namkaran', 'Nishkraman or 'Masi-Nyathir', 'Tsatjihim Shran' (ritualistic bath for both mother and child after forty days), 'Aniprashun', 'Kun-Chomban', 'Voharvod (birthday) and 'Zarikasay'. In the chapter three of the said book, the author Sh. S.N. Pandit familiarises the reader with the philosophical, historical and religious background of all the rituals connected with 'Yagnopavita'' ceremony starting from the chopping of fire-wood (Zyun-Tsatun), the shopping on the auspicious day, 'Dapun' or the ritualistic invitation to the guests, 'Gari-Navay' or cleaning of the house, 'Mehndiraat', 'Devgon' (rites invoking blessings of God), 'Hawan Shalla for the Yagnopavita and the actual thread ceremony ending with the 'Koshalhom' ceremony. In the subsequent chapters numbered fourth, fifth and sixth, a wide range of insightful information is also given by the author Sh SN Pandit - starting right from the ritual of matching of horoscopes or 'Tekin-Milnavin', engagement or 'Kasam-driay', 'hair-dressing' or 'Mus-Muchravan, 'Lagni Chir' or intimation for marriage date and timings, the arrival and reception of 'barat', the significance of the decorative welcome sign of 'Vyug', feasting of the guests, the ritualistic pooja at the door of the bride's house, 'Kanya-dan function', 'Athavass' or holding of the hands by the bride and the bride-grooms, 'Saft-padi' or seven steps undertaken by the groom and the bride jointly, 'Dayi-bata' or sharing of the food by the groom and the bride, 'Posha-pooja', and lastly departure of the barat. The author also gives a telling account of the post-marriage functions and ceremonies in the chapter six, which comprise of 'Kadil-tar' or crossing of the bridge on way to the bride-grooms' home, 'Zam-brandh' or gratifications to the groom's sister, 'Maet-mohar' or presents for the mother-in-law, 'Trunk-Havun or display of the dowry, 'Sutrath', 'Roth-Khabur' or welfare information, 'Phir-Sal' or first invitation to the son-in-law and 'Ghar-atchun' or formal feasting at the the respective homes of the bride and the groom.

The festivals and occasisons during  the first year of marriage like birthday, 'Netri-Vohravodh' or the first marriage anniversary, 'Shravni-punim' or Raksha-bandhan, 'Zarma-Satam' or Janam-Ashtami, 'Shishur-lagun' or ritual at the advent of winter, 'Shivratri', 'Navreh', 'Zangtrai' i.e. third day of 'Navreh', inaddition to the functions of the occasion nature like 'Nav-sheen' i.e. first snowfall etc. have also been detailed by the author. Sh. S.N. Pandit, the author also gives good insight in the rituals and customs pertaining to death like 'Anteshti', 'Dah-Sanaskar' or cremation, collection of the mortal remains and subsequent immersion at 'Sangam', bathing and washing of clothes known as 'Chalun', tenth, eleventh and twelfth day rituals, the fortnightly and monthly rituals of 'Pachvar', 'Maaswar', rituals at the end of six months i.e. 'Shudmos', 'Vaharvahar' or rituals at the end of one year and lastly 'Shradh' or the death anniversary.

Th said book also successfully captures the entire gamut of the festivals and asupicious occasions of the year like 'Shivratri, Navreh, Zang-trai, Durgaashtami, Ramnavami, Baisakhi, Nirjala-ekadashi, Mela Khir Bhawani, Ashad Navami, Ashad Chaturdash, Raksha-Bandhan, Janam Ashtmi , Vinayak Chaturthi, Veth Truvah, Navratra, Vijay Dashmi, Dipawali, Gada Batta, Kyhetchri-mavas, Shishar-Sankrath, Thal-Barun and Kaw-Punim etc.

The inclusion of the information regarding  the auspicious moments like 'Saath-Vuchun', superstitions, taboos, lunar and solar eclipses, 'Malamas' and 'Banamas' etc. reflects author's social awareness and denotes his successful attempt to reach-out fully to his community members with his descriptive narration.  In the concluding chapter, the author familiarizes the reader with different planets and their consequent effect in various zodiac positions. Lastly coming to the cover of the book, I am reminded of Turkish writer Orhan Pamuk's assertion that book covers are like faces, the more attractive, colourful and captivating one's are fast selling. The book under review has an appealing and alluring bright coloured cover displaying holy signs and diagrammatic representations of the Yagnya-Shalla, in addition to an abstract of the 'Kalash' etc.

In short, the book 'Kashmir Hindu Sanskars', written by Sh. S.N. Pandit is a valuable guide that tells us everything about our culture, heritage, traditions, rituals, customs and festivals. It is a book for all and everyone. It is packed with graphic details, fascinating facts and information rendered in sequential order. The relevant folk songs on the occasion and the rituals with accompanying english translation is its added charm.

Painstaking study and investigation has been undertaken by the author to prepare this cultural treatise, which makes the book to stand-out from the rest. Unarguably, the book will serve as a base material for further research about the rituals, rites and customs of Kashmiri Pandits.


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